Monday, January 01, 2024

 

The Neocon Rot in the GOP Empowered the Warfare State

The graph below embodies a shit-ton of modern political, policy and financial history, even if on the surface its seems prosaic enough. Literally, it tracks in 2023 dollars of purchasing power the rise of the public debt since 1966.

To be sure, 1966 did have some claim to being an inflection point in modern fiscal history. That was the year in which LBJ’s “guns and butter” policies went into high gear, fueled by a spending surge for both the Great Society and the dramatic escalation of Johnson’s genocidal war on the peasants of Vietnam. And it was also the year in which LBJ famously manhandled the Chairman of the Federal Reserve down on his ranch in Texas, demanding that the Fed print the money to support his boys “bleeding and dying in the jungles of Southeast Asia”, as he put it.

But an inspection of the graph makes clear that the actual inflection point in terms of the explosion of the nation’s public debt incepted 15 years later after 1980. Thus, in 2023 dollars of purchasing power the public debt went from $2.36 trillion in 1966 to $2.76 trillion in 1980, representing a pretty modest 1.4% annual growth in real terms.

So even with a moderately more accommodative Fed after William McChesney Martin got the LBJ “treatment” and surging bills for the domestic Welfare State that Nixon and Ford did little to reverse, there was simply no sign circa 1980 that America’s politicians were about to uncork a runaway public debt.

Alas, the next 43-years proved otherwise, as what had been the flat part of the chart below virtually went vertical.

Again, in today’s dollars of purchasing power the theretofore contained public debt rose 14-fold, from $2.7 trillion in 1980 to nearly $33 trillion today. That surge embodied a dramatically higher 6.0% per annum rate of growth.

Needless to say, over any considerable period of time, the law of compound arithmetic is a monster. Had the public debt stayed on the 1966 to 1980 path of 1.4% growth, instead, the public debt today would be $5.0 trillion, not $33 trillion, And annual interest expense on the Federal debt at a standardized 4% rate would be $200 billion, not $1.3 trillion.

US Public Debt In Constant 2023 Dollars, 1966 to 2023

As we said, there is a shit-ton of significance in the upward climb of the chart after the 1981 bend-point. Something epochal happened to cause an extra $28 trillion of debt to be loaded upon the main street economy and to squeeze the daylights out of a federal budget that a decade or two down the road will be groaning under the entitlement costs owed to 100 million retired Americans.

So let us cut to the chase. The epochal turn of events we are referencing involves the defenestration of the old-time GOP and the consequent nullification of its dedication to the verities of fiscal rectitude, sound money, free market liberty and prosperity at home and peaceful commerce abroad.

In their stead came first and foremost the neocon enterprise of global empire and Washington hegemony – supplemented by the anti-abortion culture warriors, free-lunch tax-cutters, anti-immigrant border warriors and Greenspanian easy money brigade. Together, all of these digressions left the GOP compromised, distracted and ultimately impotent when it came to its essential mission in the struggle of American politics. That is, to function as the watchdog of the Treasury and the sturdy guardian of the nation’s taxpayers and producers.

Sometimes great historical developments can be book-ended, and the unfolding fiscal bankruptcy of the nation is one such case. It started when a cadre of neocon fanatics took over Ronald Reagan’s transition team and committed him needlessly to 7% real growth of the defense budget and it has now reached its apogee as the GOP desperately turns to Nikki Haley as it’s 11th hour alternative to the return of Donald Trump to the top of the ticket.

Quite simply, with the possible exception of the demented and bloody-thirsty Lindsay Graham, Nikki Haley is the most interventionist, pro-war Republican on today’s political scene. Yet a GOP that would even consider Haley as its presidential candidate under current circumstances has surely passed its “sell by” date when it comes to claiming the mantle of the conservative party in the two-party tango of democratic governance in America.

The first bookend that illuminates this baleful state needs only brief elaboration. The Reagan Administration inherited a $400 billion national defense budget from Jimmy Carter, when measured in current (2023) dollars of purchasing power. That was all America’s national security needed in the face of a rapidly decaying Soviet Empire and was only a tad less than the great Dwight Eisenhower had said was sufficient in 1961 when he warned against the military-industrial complex in his farewell address.

But owing to the capture of policy in the Reagan Administration by neocon hawks peddling the false claim that the Soviet Union was on the verge of a nuclear first strike capability, the mantra of “7% real growth” for the defense topline became the dominating force driving fiscal policy inside the GOP on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.

In Part 2 we will amplify the spillover effect of this defense spending obsession on efforts to shrink the Welfare State but suffice it here to note that by the time the Gipper left office, the Warfare State had taken on massive new girth. By 1988, the national security budget in 2023 dollars had reached $650 billion, representing a utterly needless 65% expansion of an already bloated defense establishment.

Worse still, this mushrooming level of defense spending killed whatever residual willingness to tackle domestic spending that remained among the increasingly defense-spending obsessed GOP rank-and-file on Capitol Hill. So when Reagan left office, the domestic budget stood at 15.4% of GDP, virtually the same claim on GDP that the “Carter big spenders” had left on Ronald Reagan’s doorstep.

So with no domestic spending cuts of material proportion, the soaring defense budgets and the deep 1981 tax cuts, it was off to the races in terms of annual deficits and a ballooning public debt. And it left Ronald Reagan sputtering that if deficits were due to defense spending, it was no matter: “you don’t budget for defense, you spend what you need”.

In a future column, we will elaborate on that fateful error and demonstrate that the dreadfully unfortunate potential choice of Nikki Haley to lead the GOP ticket is its lamentable end game.

David Stockman was a two-term Congressman from Michigan. He was also the Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President Ronald Reagan. After leaving the White House, Stockman had a 20-year career on Wall Street. He’s the author of three books, The Triumph of Politics: Why the Reagan Revolution FailedThe Great Deformation: The Corruption of Capitalism in America, TRUMPED! A Nation on the Brink of Ruin… And How to Bring It Back, and the recently released Great Money Bubble: Protect Yourself From The Coming Inflation Storm. He also is founder of David Stockman’s Contra Corner and David Stockman’s Bubble Finance Trader.

 

The White House Goes Rogue: Secret Surveillance Program Breaks All the Laws

“We are rapidly entering the age of no privacy, where everyone is open to surveillance at all times; where there are no secrets from government.”
~ William O. Douglas, dissenting in Osborn v. United States (1966)

The government wants us to believe that we have nothing to fear from its mass spying programs as long as we’ve done nothing wrong.

Don’t believe it.

It doesn’t matter whether you obey every law. The government’s definition of a “bad” guy is extraordinarily broad, and it results in the warrantless surveillance of innocent, law-abiding Americans on a staggering scale.

For instance, it was recently revealed that the White House, relying on a set of privacy loopholes, has been sidestepping the Fourth Amendment by paying AT&T to allow federal, state, and local law enforcement to access – without a warrant – the phone records of Americans who are not suspected of a crime.

This goes way beyond the NSA’s metadata collection program.

Operated during the Obama, Trump and now the Biden presidencies, this secret dragnet surveillance program (formerly known as Hemisphere and now dubbed Data Analytical Services) uses its association with the White House to sidestep a vast array of privacy and transparency laws.

According to Senator Ron Wyden, Hemisphere has been operating without any oversight for more than a decade under the guise of cracking down on drug traffickers.

This is how the government routinely breaks the law and gets away with it: in the so-called name of national security.

More than a trillion domestic phone records are mined through this mass surveillance program every year, warrantlessly targeting not only those suspected of criminal activity but anyone with whom they might have contact, including spouses, children, parents, and friends.

It’s not just law enforcement agencies investigating drug crimes who are using Hemisphere to sidestep the Fourth Amendment, either. Those who have received training on the program reportedly include postal workers, prison officials, highway patrol officers, border cops, and the National Guard.

It’s a program ripe for abuse, and you can bet it’s getting abused.

Surveillance, digital stalking and the data mining of the American people – weapons of compliance and control in the government’s hands – haven’t made America any safer, and they certainly aren’t helping to preserve our freedoms.

Indeed, America will never be safe as long as the U.S. government is allowed to shred the Constitution.

The Fourth Amendment was intended to serve as a protective forcefield around our persons, our property, our activities, our communications and our movements. It keeps the government out of our private business except in certain, extenuating circumstances.

Those extenuating circumstances are spelled out clearly: government officials must have probable cause that criminal activity is afoot (a higher legal standard than “reasonable suspicion”), which is required by the Constitution before any government official can search an individual or his property.

Unfortunately, all three branches of government—the legislatures, courts and executive offices – have given the police state all kinds of leeway when it comes to sidestepping the Fourth Amendment.

As a result, on a daily basis, Americans are already being made to relinquish the most intimate details of who we are – our biological makeup, our genetic blueprints, and our biometrics (facial characteristics and structure, fingerprints, iris scans, etc.) – in order to clear the nearly insurmountable hurdle that increasingly defines life in the United States: we are now guilty until proven innocent.

Warrantless, dragnet surveillance is the manifestation of a lawless government that has gone rogue in its determination to do whatever it wants, whenever it wants, the Constitution be damned.

Dragnet surveillance. Geofencing. Fusion centers. Smart devices. Behavioral threat assessments. Terror watch lists. Facial recognition. Snitch tip lines. Biometric scanners. Pre-crime. DNA databases. Data mining. Precognitive technology. Contact tracing apps.

What these add up to is a world in which, on any given day, the average person is now monitored, surveilled, spied on and tracked in more than 20 different ways by both government and corporate eyes and ears.

This creepy new era of government/corporate spying – in which we’re being listened to, watched, tracked, followed, mapped, bought, sold and targeted every second of every day – has been made possible by a global army of techno-tyrants, electronic eavesdroppers, robotic snoops and digital Peeping Toms.

The government has a veritable arsenal of surveillance tools to track our movements, monitor our spending, and sniff out all the ways in which our thoughts, actions and social circles might land us on the government’s naughty list, whether or not you’ve done anything wrong.

Rounding out the list of ways in which the Techno-Corporate State and the U.S. government are colluding to nullify the privacy rights of the individual is the Biden Administration’s latest drive to harness the power of artificial intelligence technologies while claiming to protect the citizenry from harm.

In his executive order on artificial intelligence, President Biden is calling for guidelines on how the government will use AI while simultaneously insisting that corporations protect consumer privacy.

Talk about ironic that the very government that has been covertly invading our privacy rights wants to appoint itself the guardian of those rights.

Tell me this: how do you trust a government that continuously sidesteps the Constitution and undermines our rights? You can’t.

A government that repeatedly lies, cheats, steals, spies, kills, maims, enslaves, breaks the laws, overreaches its authority, and abuses its power at almost every turn can’t be trusted.

At a minimum, you shouldn’t trust the government with your privacy, property or freedoms.

Whatever else it may be – a danger, a menace, a threat – the U.S. government is certainly not looking out for our best interests.

Remember the purpose of a good government is to protect the lives and liberties of its people.

Unfortunately, what we have been saddled with is, in almost every regard, the exact opposite of an institution dedicated to protecting the lives and liberties of its people.

Indeed, the government has a history of shamelessly exploiting national emergencies for its own nefarious purposes.

Terrorist attacks, mass shootings, civil unrest, economic instability, pandemics, natural disasters: the government has been taking advantage of such crises for years now in order to gain greater power over an unsuspecting and largely gullible populace.

That’s exactly where we find ourselves now: caught in the crosshairs of a showdown between the rights of the individual and the so-called “emergency” state.

All of those freedoms we cherish – the ones enshrined in the Constitution, the ones that affirm our right to free speech and assembly, due process, privacy, bodily integrity, the right to not have police seize our property without a warrant, or search and detain us without probable cause – amount to nothing when the government and its agents are allowed to disregard those prohibitions on government overreach at will.

This is the grim reality of life in the American police state: our so-called rights have been reduced to technicalities in the face of the government’s ongoing power grabs.

While surveillance may span a broad spectrum of methods and scenarios, the common denominator remains the same: a complete disregard for the rights of the citizenry.

With every court ruling that allows the government to operate above the rule of law, every piece of legislation that limits our freedoms, and every act of government wrongdoing that goes unpunished, we’re slowly being conditioned to a society in which the Constitution means nothing.

Any attempt by the government to encroach upon the citizenry’s privacy rights or establish a system by which the populace can be targeted, tracked, monitored and singled out must be met with extreme caution.

Dragnet surveillance in an age of pre-crime policing and overcriminalization is basically a fishing expedition carried out without a warrant, a blatant attempt to circumvent the Fourth Amendment’s warrant requirement and prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures.

What we need is a digital “No Trespassing” sign that protects our privacy rights and affirms our right to be left alone.

Then again, as I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, what we really need is a government that respects the rights of the citizenry and obeys the law.

Reprinted with permission from The Rutherford Institute.

Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead is founder and president of The Rutherford Institute. His most recent books are the best-selling Battlefield America: The War on the American People, the award-winning A Government of Wolves: The Emerging American Police State, and a debut dystopian fiction novel, The Erik Blair Diaries. Whitehead can be contacted at staff@rutherford.org. Nisha Whitehead is the Executive Director of The Rutherford Institute. Information about The Rutherford Institute is available at www.rutherford.org


The Quaint FISA Surveillance Debate

Before leaving town for the 2023 end-of-year holidays, Congress managed to avoid a 12:01am January 1, 2024 expiration of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA).

It began life in a totally unregulated form as a component of President George W. Bush’s unconstitutional STELLAR WIND electronic mass surveillance program. After the New York Times exposed STELLAR WIND in December 2005, Congress spent more than two years trying to make the illegal program, well, legal. The result was the 2008 FISA Amendments Act, of which Section 702 is the key component.

Simply stated, FISA Section 702 allows the federal government to intercept communications passing through the global telecommunications infrastructure. While the program is ostensibly designed not to deliberately target Americans, in actual practice the text messages, emails, phone calls, and other digital data created or transmitted by Americans are routinely swept up in this electronic dragnet.

In prior years, it meant that millions of Americans had their digital communications captured, stored, and searched as a result of FISA Section 702 collection. On December 5, FBI Director Christopher Wray claimed to the Senate Judiciary Committee that all of that has changed, but most Senators weren’t buying it, especially Senator Mike Lee (R-UT).

Because of the ongoing controversy over Section 702, many wonder whether it will be renewed at all, or in significantly modified form. The battle between the House Judiciary and Intelligence Committees over the issue resulted in competing bills, neither of which made it to the House floor after Speaker Johnson pulled both off the House calendar.

A temporary extension of Section 702, expiring on April 19, 2024, was tacked onto the annual National Defense Authorization Act and passed both chambers before the adjournment of the First Session of the 118th Congress. The Section 702 legislative fight rematch between surveillance reformers and national security hawks will resume in the new year.

If these were normal political times – by which I mean the pre-Trump era – such a debate would matter. But these are not normal times, and the question every American should be asking is this: should any chief executive have this kind of surveillance power at their disposal?

Over the last several months, there’s been extensive coverage on what former President Trump intends to do if re-elected in 2024. A declared presidential candidate who talks openly about a “revenge tour” and firing thousands – perhaps tens of thousands – of federal workers would no doubt wish to avail himself of the very investigative and surveillance tools that were used to target at least one person connected to his first presidential campaign.

If Trump does win and makes good on his promises to cleanse the “deep state” of his enemies and repopulate it with loyalists, exactly what or who could stop him from employing the sweeping and powerful investigative and spying tools used by the FBI, NSA, CIA, and other federal agencies against his political opponents?

Nothing.

Would a Trump loyalist attorney general order a Trump loyalist FBI director to take him into custody if a federal court ruled Trump had violated a surveillance law? No.

Would a Trump loyalist Defense Secretary dispatch troops to arrest him if Justice Department officials refused to do so? No.

Would a Trump loyalist Homeland Security Secretary tell Trump’s Secret Service detail to detain him pending arraignment? No.

Would Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts have the authority, much less the armed and sworn law enforcement personnel, to order Trump detained on federal charges? No.

I’ve repeatedly mentioned former President Trump because he is a declared candidate and the current odds-on favorite to again secure the GOP presidential nomination. I’ve also mentioned him because during the last few months of his Administration, he did indeed fire officials who did not support his version of events regarding the 2020 election or who refused to consider using troops against protesters. His past actions make his current rhetoric a potential harbinger of threats to individual liberty and the constitutional order should he be reelected.

But my analysis and scenarios are applicable to any would-be authoritarian president from any political party who could pose a threat to the very survival of the American republic. And that’s why quaint, arcane debates about FISA Section 702 only serve to obscure the vastly larger, infinitely more politically lethal threat to our nearly two-and-a-half century experiment in representative government.

No matter the outcome of the FISA Section 702 battle in Congress, the reality is that the post-9/11 surveillance wars are over and we, the people, lost. The PATRIOT Act is permanent law. If the FISA Section 702 program expires, it could be replaced and revived via executive order.

The American Surveillance State is, at present, a fixed reality–a tool that in the hands of a vengeful despot will make possible a veritable turnkey tyranny overnight. Avoiding that outcome should be the only thing any of us with a commitment to individual liberty should care about in the new year and in the years that follow.

Former CIA analyst and ex-House senior policy advisor Patrick G. Eddington is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute.

On November 27, General Abdourahamane Tiani, head of the military junta currently running Niger’s government, declared the unilateral abolition of two key migration agreements which former president Mahamadou Issoufou had brokered with the European Union (EU) back in 2015. Most importantly, he repealed law 36-2015, which severely punished transporting migrants, particularly ones heading north. There was much speculation on the likely consequences of the move — yet many of the expectations that have been raised are misguided.

The Nigerien authorities’ move is unlikely itself to drive mass migration to Europe, as the EU still exercises brutal control over migration routes in the region. Neither is the move indicative of a power reversal between former colonies and colonizers, as desirable as this may be. In reality, relations between the EU and most states neighboring Niger, or otherwise located on important North African migration routes, are firmly embedded in neocolonial structures. Migration will be repressed, anyhow.

Particularly since 2020, economic hierarchies have grown even steeper, enabling the EU to use economic coercion to force such states’ political compliance on questions of migration. These means are adopted systematically: the EU has established “migration arrangements” with every single North African country, from Mauritania to Egypt and from Morocco to Sudan, by either coercing or bribing their governments, be they democratic or authoritarian. The sole exceptions are Niger and Algeria. However, it’ll take more than two exceptions to challenge global power relations.

Architecture of Segregation

This isn’t just about the Sahel region of Africa. Rather, the vast majority of Global South states are trapped in a neocolonial world order, even after decolonization. This system, which seems like a matter of economic ties but also has a strongly political nature, works to their severe detriment. Some formerly colonized countries such as China were able to escape the grips of neocolonialism. Others, such as the Gulf states, managed to achieve relatively high levels of economic and political power by means of resource extractivism. Yet, the central line of segregation between the rich and the poor still runs between former colonies and colonizers.

Economist Branko Milanovic has shown that citizenship is the single most decisive factor in explaining average economic inequality on the individual level. In this sense, the modern citizenship system mirrors its bloodstained past, as a tool endorsed by the ruling classes of colonizing countries in the nineteenth century to divide the members of their empire according to race and sex. Today, there is a global hierarchy of citizenships — endowing members of the in-group not only with status, rights, and duties, but also wealth and income.

Access to citizenship is mostly distributed according to race. Citizenships guaranteeing — in global terms, at least — relatively high income and predominantly pleasant living conditions are acquired by most white people at birth. EU and North American passports grant the right, though not necessarily the means, to settle or naturalize wherever one pleases. At the very same time, freedom of movement is heavily restricted by holding a former colony’s citizenship.

The routes from peripheral to central states are characterized by selective openness. Elites in peripheral countries do have access to naturalization procedures and can, in effect, simply buy the most desirable citizenships. Yet in absolute numbers, naturalization from Global South to Global North countries is negligible in contrast to North–North movement. Immigration by workers of certain professions is furthermore actively encouraged through various programs in the capitalist centers of the Global North. These forms of so-called regular migration are desirable for elites in the capitalist centers while so-called irregular migration, be it voluntary or involuntary, is presented as a threat and violently oppressed.

Economic Death Grip

The assumption that Niger’s policy turn marks significant change in any of these regards is misguided. Instead, current developments point in the exact opposite direction.

Since the financial crisis and even more so since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the economic situation of North African states, although very diverse in nature, has in general rapidly deteriorated. Levels of dependence and vulnerability to coercion and bribery from the Global North have increased accordingly. Speaking in numbers: the total combined external debt stock of the North African states of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, Chad, Nigeria, Niger, Mali, and Mauritania — Libya is not counted for want of good data — has more than tripled since 2007. It jumped from a total of $124 billion in 2007 to $376 billion in 2021. In relative terms, this translates to an average increase of 213 percent relative to GDP. Furthermore, the yearly interest payments in the region have even risen by 339 percent since 2007, totaling over $10 billion in 2021.

The refinancing conditions for the few countries in the region who still dare to issue sovereign debt denominated in US dollars — Nigeria, Egypt, Tunisia, and Morocco— have also steadily but significantly deteriorated. This December 1, these four countries paid an average 14 percent interest on their sovereign debt — up from 5 percent in 2020. Germany, in contrast, currently only pays an interest rate of about 2.5 percent. These developments are the result of the geoeconomics endorsed by the capitalist centers of the Global North — one central tool being monetary policy aimed to strengthen the Global North’s currencies and relegate the economic costs of the Global North’s crises to the Global South. This pattern that has a long tradition.

This constellation creates both necessity and pressure for North African countries to get their hands on US dollar and euro liquidity. As conditions on private markets have significantly worsened, multi- or bilateral sources are the only remaining choice. Not surprisingly, the total amount of borrowing by North African states from the IMF and the World Bank has risen around 600 percent since 2007. This marks a new age of dependency and forces states to accept dire conditions, such as slashing health spending, attached to the loans. As of yet, the IMF has only been proven to be involved in migration deals brokered by the EU once, in the case of a recent deal between the bloc and Tunisia — but this is most likely but a test run.

Another willing donor is the EU itself, which according to recent estimates has provided states outside its jurisdiction more than €13 billion between 2014 and 2020 to curb migration to Europe while pretending to foster regional development. A good case in point is the recent deal between the EU and Tunisia brokered by Giorgia Meloni, the post-fascist Italian prime minister. While the deal was initially presented as a form of development cooperation, recently published details show that it focusses on repressing illegalized migration while encouraging freedom of movement for Tunisian elites through an Erasmus student mobility scheme. All this in the name of development.

Generally speaking, employing development cooperation to curb migration is a contradiction in itself, as economic development is known to increase emigration. Nonetheless, the EU seems willing to scale up this scheme. Since 2021, the EU has announced fourteen renewed or new migration deals with a strong regional focus on North Africa and a second stronghold in Eastern Europe and the states of former Yugoslavia. At this very moment, the EU is trying to coerce EgyptMauritania, and Senegal to restrict freedom of movement on its behalf. However, these efforts have been met by resistance on the ground. In Senegal, for example, a campaign seeking to stop Frontex activity in the country has recently been initiated, denouncing “how the EU collaborates with . . . complicit regimes killing people in the Mediterranean and in transit countries.”

To Kill and Seal Off

This abstract system of economic coercion and political deals translates into systematic violence targeting human beings who happen to hold the wrong passports and frequent so-called irregular migration routes to Europe. These include the 37 people whom Spain’s border guards massacred at the fence of Melilla in summer 2022, the 49 dead and more than two hundred missing on the border between Belarus and Poland, the 603 dead on their way to the Canary Islands in 2023 alone, the 28,260 people reportedly drowned in the Mediterranean Sea since 2014, and the 2,016 people who died on North African land routes since 2018 — not to mention the far higher number of unrecorded cases. Direct, indirect, active, and hired killings are the result of policy decisions taken by the EU and its member states’ governments.

The intentions are crystal clear: deny the humanity and any potential rights of black and brown people on the move. Let them die, but as far away from Europe as possible, so we are not held responsible. Or preferable: claim African governments are responsible for white supremacists’ decisions in Europe. The racial segregation between the people of the Global South and the Global North is fully intact. The killing of more than thirty thousand innocent people is only feasible because they are not white and happen to have the wrong passport. Meanwhile, and almost ironically, the European Commission proposed new measures to attract “skills and talent” just last month. Fueled by optimism about the job market effects of green and digital transition, the EU seeks to attract and employ a minimum of twelve million immigrants.

While some classes of migrants are to be killed on their route to Europe, others are encouraged to fill the demographic gaps in the EU’s workforce. The aim of these policies is to create a divided working class with big, racialized parts whose residency remains ever precarious. Such workers are easier to discipline and oppress. Accordingly, insecure residence permits have become an important tool to establish an easily disposable low-wage workforce and a potential reserve army of labor.

By Any Means Available

Niger’s move to enhance freedom of movement is nothing but a drop in an ocean of structural racial segregation and economic coercion. Nonetheless, three lessons are to be learned by observing recent developments in the relationship between the EU and North African states.

First, the capitalist centers and particularly the EU do rely on cooperation. This is not only the case for repressing migration, but also holds true for the energy transition so vividly proclaimed by EU leaders. Lithium one of the rare earth metals essential for any energy transition — however, by far the largest deposits are found outside Europe. Efforts to tap lithium reserves on European soil are ages away from yielding the quantities expected to be necessary. Similar patterns are prevalent for most rare earth metals so direly needed for the European industry to stand a chance in the global race for electrified production and transportation.

Furthermore, the EU lacks both territory and fossil-fuel resources to develop or maintain an independent energy system. Currently, the EU is highly dependent on liquified natural gas imports, Algeria being a central player in this regard. In the future, it will depend on large-scale solar panel landscapes in North Africa, where solar energy production is up to three times more efficient than in Europe. The conditions of those arrangements are currently being negotiated, and the terms of power might potentially change with the design of the future energy-production landscape.

Second, Algeria has pursued a strict line of absolute denial of European interference in matters of its political sovereignty. This clear stance is a central result of the collective trauma caused by French colonial terror, and can be considered close to a raison d’état. Far from a utopia, Algeria’s political system is brutally authoritarian. It leaves little room for democratic politics, although the Hirak movement was able to create substantial change by withstanding severe repression. It should also not be ignored that the Algerian government is repressing migration by means of harsh violence, often causing the deaths of innocent people. It does so on the basis of a national security regime strictly policing emigration and transit to Europe, as well as immigration. However, Algeria is explicitly not bowing to EU policy interests. Both the design of Algeria’s integration into the global economy and its resource-richness allow it to withstand political pressure from the EU and multilateral institutions. Only 1 percent of its government debt is foreign held and there are no debts denominated in the US dollar. Economic coercion is hard to realize on these grounds.

Third, political resistance to neocolonialism is possible. Niger’s government’s decision to withdraw from the agreement with the EU was celebrated as an anti-colonial move in the region. It can be interpreted as one further step toward expelling colonial powers and their political influence. However, the increasing political influence and economic importance of Russia, China, and the Gulf states in the region could, in the worst-case scenario, potentially create new relations of dependency on various centers of capitalist power. In the best-case scenario, ties of solidarity between the people of North African states bring about a coordinated political movement taking advantage of the benefits offered by cooperation with the capitalist center while maintaining sovereignty and autonomy. In this admittedly optimistic scenario, given the intense political tensions between governments in the region, no one would care about Fortress Europe or consider risking their life for migration to a continent increasingly in the hands of white supremacists.

 

A federal administrative judge ruled last week that Starbucks must rehire and provide back pay to a shift supervisor in Colorado who was fired in November 2022 due to “anti-union considerations.”

The judge found that Starbucks unlawfully terminated the shift supervisor, Alendra “’Len” Harris, and ordered the company to refrain from discharging or otherwise discriminating against, threatening, interrogating, or surveilling employees because of their union activities.

“It really hits different when a legal document tells you you were treated unjustly,” Harris told CBS News.

Harris was the main organizer who advocated for her store to unionize, making it the first Starbucks in Colorado to unionize. After the successful unionization campaign, Harris said that she had been the “main target” of a temporary anti-union manager that was onboarded after the staff unionized for better pay and working conditions.

“[I was warned that] an anti-union manager is gonna come in here, they’re going to drop the axe, they’re going to start really firing you for small infractions or things you didn’t know about, and lo and behold, after a month of working with her, that’s exactly what she started doing,” Harris told CBS News. “She started firing people for being a minute or two late, started firing people for dress code infractions.”

Harris filed a complaint with the National Labor Relations Board in Denver asserting that she had been fired for union organizing. After a six-month investigation, the agency found that Harris had been unlawfully terminated by Starbucks.

“This is just one incident among many, many, many incidents of the company being actually held accountable, or at least legally liable, for their wrongdoings,” Harris told CBS News.

Starbucks is expected to file exceptions, or an appeal, challenging the administrative law judge’s decision. While the company has upheld that there is no evidence of wrongdoing in Harris’s termination, and that no “anti-union playbook” exists, the NLRB and other federal administrative law judges have found that Starbucks has a pattern of violating workers’ rights. In March, a federal judge found that the company had violated labor laws “hundreds of times” during a unionization campaign in Buffalo, New York. The Starbucks location in Buffalo was the first store to successfully unionize.

In just 18 months since Starbucks workers in Buffalo went public with their union campaign, more than 300 stores have voted to unionize.

“No one thought what we were doing in Buffalo was possible or that it would end up spreading so far and wide across the country,” Michelle Eisen, a Starbucks barista and union organizer, said in a statement. “Starbucks baristas are writing labor history, and I’m so proud we were able to show other partners what we could win if we stood together.”

Despite Starbucks’s extreme union-busting tactics, which have included closing stores, withholding raises and benefits from unionized workers, former Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz explicitly telling a pro-union worker to quit during a town hall in 2022, and delay tactics that have stalled contract negotiations, Starbucks workers across the country have continued to utilize creative strategies to bargain for better pay and working conditions. In recent months, the union has organized strikes, walk outs, and “sip in” protests to mobilize public support and pressure the company to bargain with the union in good faith.

Starbucks have responded to these tactics with increased retaliation. In October, Starbucks sued the union after it made a pro-Palestine post on social media saying that the union condemned the “occupation, displacement, state violence, apartheid, and threats of genocide Palestinians face.” The union responded with its own lawsuit, claiming that Starbucks was attempting to ramp up its “illegal anti-union campaign by falsely attacking the union’s reputation with workers and the public.”

Meanwhile, recent boycotts and protests of the company led by pro-Palestine and labor advocates have resulted in a $11 billion loss in the company’s value.