Monday, March 03, 2025

 

White House press conference debacle: what does it mean and what happens next?

White House press conference debacle: what does it mean and what happens next?
What will the bust up between presidents Trump and Zelenskiy mean for Ukraine and trans-Atlanitic relations now? / bne IntelliNewsFacebook


By Ben Aris in Berlin March 2, 2025

Things are moving incredibly fast. The world order appears to have been turned on its head by US President Donald Trump. However, like other unpredictable leaders, such as Boris Yeltsin, who was also prone to making grand and outrageous statements, the key to understanding these changes is to watch what these leaders do, rather than listen to their headline grabbing statements. Trump has talked a lot about imposing tariffs and annexing Greenland and Canada, but he hasn’t actually done much yet.

The weekend’s notorious press conference with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and Trump that ended up as a shouting match between the two presidents will clearly have far reaching consequence for both Ukraine and the EU. But what has actually changed?

US Vice President JD Vance accused Zelenskiy of being “ungrateful’ and accused him of never thanking the US for its aid – something that is demonstrably not true.

Relations between Bankova (Ukraine’s equivalent of the Kremlin) and the new Trump administration got off to a rocky start in the first weeks in January thanks to missing money, delayed arms deliveries and demand for mining deals. Then they got worse when the two presidents traded verbal barbs after Zelenskiy rejected two versions of a harsh minerals deal that some have called little more than a demand for reparations. The February 28 press conference descended into a shouting match between two presidents and seems to have ended all hope of US support for Ukraine going forward.

Vance went on an inflammatory attack that some claim was an ambush designed to give the White House grounds to withdraw from any commitment to supporting Ukraine. Former US ambassador Mike McFaul pointed out that Zelenskiy has repeatedly thanked the US from the bottom of his heart, including in an address to Congress last Christmas.

The event has unleashed a torrent of commentary. But what has actually changed?

Are US-Ukraine relations dead?

Zelenskiy left the White House early, skipping a planned lunch, and flew to the UK. Notably, he did not sign the proposed mineral deal that is central to the White House’s conditions for continued support.

After his departure, several senior US officials called on Zelenskiy to apologise, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Lindsey Graham, who has been a long time and vocal supporter of Kyiv.

Trump’s entire team supports halting talks with Zelensky, US national security adviser Mike Waltz said on March 2, adding that productive negotiations and a minerals deal would have been a "positive moment for Ukraine".

“We had a meeting after that exchange, after the press was asked to leave, and we advised the president pretty much unanimously that after that insult in the Oval Office we just do not see how that could move forward, that any further engagement would only go backwards from this moment on,” he told Fox News.

Trump suggested the relations are not completely dead, saying that Zelenskiy was welcome back “when he is ready to make peace”, in a post on his Truth Media. But on March 1, a senior White House official said Trump is not interested in revisiting or reviving the Ukraine minerals deal at the moment.

How important is the minerals deal? As bne IntelliNews reported, Ukraine doesn’t have any rare earth metals (REMs), but the point of the deal was not to get the $500bn Trump was hoping to earn. More important was Trump’s desire to portray himself to the American people as a great dealmaker to “get our money back” plus a $150bn profit on top. If the mineral deal collapses completely, Trump foregoes that PR win and his interest in Ukraine will dimmish dramatically as a result.

And right on cue, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt announced shortly after the meeting broke up that military and financial aid to Ukraine was being cut off.

Leavitt told reporters that the US is “stopping military aid to Ukraine, prioritising peace talks”.

“We are no longer going to write blank checks for a war in a very distant country without real lasting peace,” she added.

Is the Trans-Atlantic alliance dead?

US-European relations are in crisis too. Vance put the cat amongst the pigeons when he berated the EU for falling short on its commitment to democracy during his Munich Security Conference (MSC) speech and has become a key player in winding down the White House’s support for both Ukraine and the EU. The “special” trans-Atlantic relation has come to an end as Trump puts “America First”.

Europe is committed to supporting Ukraine, but that has put it in conflict with Trump as the efforts of French President Emmanuel Macron and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer have been rebuffed. Trump is not only pulling back from supporting Ukraine, he is also pulling back from supporting the EU.

Macron returned from his visit to the White House last week in a despondent mood. He said that it was unlikely that the EU could avoid Trump’s proposed 25% tariff on European imports that will fundamentally change the nature of commercial trade between the partners.

The report from former Italian prime minister and ex-European Central Bank boss Mario Draghi has already pointed out that Europe is now badly trailing the US in terms of innovation and productivity, but Europe is also dependent on the US for security in the face of an increasingly hostile Russia.

Trump has already made it clear is going to follow much more isolationist foreign policy that will leave the under-armed EU exposed and post-Brexit Britain particularly exposed to this change.

Is Nato dead?

Trump said last week that Ukraine can “forget about Nato membership”, the US will not provide security guarantees and military aid will be limited. All of these task will now fall to Europe.

Nato should be the backstop for EU security, but confidence that the US will come to the aid of an EU member if attacked, triggering the Article 5 collective security clause, has also been dramatically undermined.

Trump has already said that the US will not come to the aid of any country that spends less than 5% of GDP on defence, and also promised to draw down the US overseas military presence. As bne IntelliNews reported in the Real Game of Risk, the US has some 1,000 foreign military bases with the largest concentrations in Europe and Japan – either side of Russia and China. Withdrawing the US forces from Europe will make the EU much more dependent on their national armies, which have been drastically reduced in size over the last 20 years.

Currently the only European country that comes close to Trump’s spending demands is Poland that has budged for 4.7% of GDP for defence this year as part of a programme to create the largest conventional army in Europe. If the US military exits Europe, then Turkey’s importance will also increase as it has one of the largest armies in Europe, but that is a prospect that Brussels does not cherish.

Europe has been freeloading on the US by ignoring its defence sector since the fall of the Soviet Union, and European leaders are scrambling to start rebuilding its security arrangements. France has already offered to share its nuclear weapons with its neighbours, and all the major players are talking about increasing defence spending. But it is too little too late and the EU is not currently in the position to step into the US’ shoes to continue to arm Ukraine in its fight with Russia.

Just on nuclear deterrence, the EU has only an estimated 100 nuclear missiles. As of the start of this year, Russia had 5,580 nuclear warheads, with around 1,710 of these actively deployed across its strategic delivery systems.

The war in Ukraine has drained Europe’s military stockpile and just Germany, one of Ukraine’s most generous supporters, will take decades to rebuild its military might. A new war is unlikely in the short-term as Russia is in the same position. It also needs to rebuild its military, but unlike the EU, Putin has already put his economy onto a full war footing and Russia is already outproducing Ukraine combined with all of Europe.

Will Trump do business deals with Putin?

Zelenskiy left the White House meeting with Trump without signing off on the third version of the harsh minerals deal the White House has been pushing for and central to Trump’s willingness to continue support for Ukraine. The full text of the minerals deal contains no security guarantees for Ukraine nor promises of continued military or financial support post-war, but Trump insisted it was "a great deal for Ukraine too".

Without the deal it is now likely Trump will cut a “quick and dirty” deal with Putin to end the conflict that will not be to Ukraine’s advantage.

Abandoning the Ukraine minerals deal also makes it more likely that Trump will sign off on the bigger and better mineral and hydrocarbon deals offered to the White House by Putin in the last week. Putin has also offered to open the doors to the return of Western businesses to the Russian market.

Rubio, who led the delegation in Riyadh, has made it plain that the US intends to do business with Putin. He said at the meeting there is an opportunity to “unlock a historic US-Russia economic alliance” and repeated many of the Kremlin’s talking points in the last week.

It has been suggested that the White House is cleverly trying to do a “reverse Nixon” and “peel off” Russia from its alliance with China. By going into business with Putin, Trump will move the Kremlin away from Beijing in the same way that Richard Nixon weakened the ties between Chairman Mao and Stalin in the 1970s.

However, the alternative scenario is that by throwing Ukraine under the bus and weakening the US support for Europe and Nato, Trump will only embolden Putin to recoup and re-launch his invasion of Ukraine after he has rebuilt his forces, and possibly act further afield. “I trust Putin. He won’t break the deal,” Trump said last week. No one else trusts Putin to keep his word.

Will EU peacekeepers be deployed in Ukraine?

Trump has made it abundantly clear he has no intention of offering Zelenskiy any sort of security guarantee at all. He has taken the line that simply having US companies invest into Ukraine's mineral sector will be enough as Russia won’t “mess with our guys”. Zelenskiy has made it equally clear that he insists on Western security guarantees, which he sees as essential to Ukraine’s long-term prosperity.

Likewise, the EU is also asking the US for security guarantees above and beyond Nato. As Europe has also made it abundantly clear that it will not offer Ukraine meaningful guarantees, beyond the “security assurances” already in place, the EU – led by France – and the UK are proposing to put peacekeepers in place in a post-war Ukraine. But for this to work, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has lobbied Trump for a US “backstop” in case the peacekeepers come to blows with the Armed Forces of Russia (AFR). Trump has refused this request too.

Supplying peacekeepers to Ukraine was always going to be hard. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has made it categorically clear that the Kremlin will not accept foreign troops on Ukrainian soil under any conditions. There is also a big question mark over if Europe is able to mobilise the mooted 30,000-strong force being suggested.

What are Zelenskiy's options now?

Without either US or European security guarantees, Zelenskiy has few other choices than to revert to Ukraine’s pre-2014 neutrality and build up the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) as the only way to improve Ukraine’s security – in effect the Finlandisation of Ukraine.

The Kremlin continues to insist on “ironclad guarantees” that Ukraine will never join Nato and would welcome Ukraine’s return to neutrality. However, Putin – and last week US national security adviser Waltz, echoing the Kremlin – have said any ceasefire deal should be built on the basis of the failed 2022 Istanbul peace deal, and a central tenet of that is for Ukraine to dramatically reduce the size of its army. Zelenskiy has already ruled out any talk of downsizing the AFU as “childish talk”.

Initially the Ukrainian delegation in Istanbul agreed to this demand, as it assumed it would receive security deals from its Western partners. As none of these deals will be forthcoming, the admissible size of the AFU will be a key sticking point in the upcoming talks: Zelenskiy will insist on a large army of around 1.5mn men; the Kremlin will insist on demilitarising Ukraine.

Europe picks up the burden

It is already clear that Trump will exit the Ukraine conflict and intends to hand the burden of supporting Kyiv over to the EU in its entirety. Trump stripped what veneer was left away and laid out harsh terms for continued US support for Ukraine at his first cabinet meeting on February 26.

"I’m not going to make security guarantees beyond very much," he said. "We’re going to have Europe do that, because Europe is the next door neighbour. But we are going to make sure that everything goes well," he said.

The White House press conference debacle underscored the growing gap between the EU and America. It provoked an immediate outpouring of support for Ukraine and Zelenskiy from almost all of Europe’s leaders within the first hour on social media.

Europe is going to struggle to find the money to pay for Ukraine’s support. As bne IntelliNews reported, the sixteen rounds of sanctions have done more damage to the EU’s economy than to Russia’s in an unexpected boomerang effect. Europeans are facing multiple budget crisis as the EU as a whole goes into recession and faces a new energy crisis.

The G7 $50bn loan to Ukraine, approved at a G7 summit in Italy last June, has yet to be disbursed. A new EU €20bn aid package for Ukraine has also become snarled up in inter-EU wrangling over the “lack of fairness” amongst the member states over the burden sharing. Currently only the Baltic states and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen fully endorse it. Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni called an emergency meeting of EU leaders for March 3 to discuss the issues.

All-in-all the cost of the war is running at an estimated $100bn a year and so far the EU has contributed some €140bn and the US a total of $90bn. If the US cuts funding altogether the pressure on the EU to seize the Central Bank of Russia’s (CBR’s) $300bn of frozen assets will greatly increase as one of the few sources of funds available.

Nevertheless, thanks to a surge in funding and weapon deliveries by the outgoing Biden administration, Kyiv is fully funded for 2025 and has a comfortable $48bn in reserves and so can probably get through the rest of this year on its own. The main constraint is a growing manpower crisis and the rising rate of desertion from the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) as morale crumbles.

 

Are Syria’s Druze about to break away with Israel’s help?

Are Syria’s Druze about to break away with Israel’s help?
Druze fighters are getting support from Israel against the Turkish-backed Damascus regime led by Ahmed al-Sharaa. / bne IntelliNews
By bnm Gulf bureau bnm Gulf bureau March 2, 2025

Fresh clashes south of Damascus between local Druze and government forces suggest the community may be laying groundwork for a semi-autonomous or fully independent non-Islamic statelet before Damascus manages to create a new government. Amid clashes in Jaramana and Israeli military positioning, the latest movements since the fall of the Assad regime in the area earlier in December could spell the first post-war challenge for the Turkish-backed regime in Damascus, which has so far attempted to avoid the topic of Israeli encroachment in its territory.

The Arab Druze, roughly 3% of Syria's population, have historically balanced loyalty to local powers with a commitment to self-preservation. The fall of Assad's regime in December 2024 created both opportunity and uncertainty, particularly for those in southern Syria. Now, with Israel vowing to "protect" them and reports of Druze militias clashing with Syrian Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) forces, a new political entity could emerge under Israel's influence.

Regional social media channels and groups have flagged the movements with updated media posts highlighting this quickly unfolding narrative. One user speculated that Israel aims to secure the Druze and Kurds by creating "a contiguous buffer state" against "neo-Ottoman-backed Jihadists." Another noted the raising of the Druze flag at a local airport south of Damascus, interpreting it as a declaration of independence from Syria's new Islamist-leaning government led by Ahmed al-Sharaa (nomme de guerre being Abu Mohammad al-Golani; i.e from the Golan).

Damascus, though, is starting to become alert, with the government-owned SANA reporting Syrian security forces have begun deploying inside the city of Jaramana, a Damascus suburb, following the refusal of alleged suspects in a Defence Ministry employee's assassination to surrender themselves, state media reported on March 2. Colonel Hussam Tahan, Director of Security for Damascus Countryside Governorate, told SANA news agency that the operation aims to arrest those involved in the killing of Ahmed Al-Khatib, who worked for the Ministry of Defence.

"Our forces have begun deploying inside the city of Jaramana... We will work to arrest them and bring them to fair justice," Tahan said. According to the official, the suspects [the Druze] rejected all mediation attempts and agreements. "We have confirmed that no Syrian geographical area will remain outside the control of state institutions, and we have witnessed great cooperation from the people of Jaramana in this regard," he added.

These developments align with Netanyahu's recent directives to the IDF to "prepare to defend" the Druze in Jaramana, where clashes on March 1, 2025, resulted in casualties. Israel's insistence on demilitarising southern Syria – encompassing Quneitra, Daraa and Suwayda provinces – signals a desire to neutralise threats along its border.

For the Druze, this represents both risk and opportunity. In Suwayda, their traditional stronghold, leaders have moved between negotiating with Damascus and asserting autonomy. Forming a Suweida Military Council and local militias like the Jaramana Shield brigade demonstrates their readiness to defend their interests from the Muslim government.

Yet not all Druze welcome Israel's support. Some fear becoming pawns in a broader Israeli agenda of regional domination, risking accusations of separatism from other Syrians. The community's historical wariness of foreign interference and memories of broken promises fuel this ambivalence.

The feasibility of a Druze statelet depends on several factors. The region south of Damascus is strategically vital, abutting the already Israeli occupied Golan Heights and overlooking key routes to the capital.

Israel's recent occupation of the UN buffer zone and Mount Hermon provides a military foothold. Politically, however, the plan faces challenges. Syria's new rulers have condemned Israel's actions as violations of sovereignty but have done nothing to stop them, probably at the advice of Ankara and Qatar, their two biggest backers.

Public opinion remains divided. Some observers praise the move as a pragmatic bulwark against radical Islamism, suggesting an autonomous Druze region could stabilise the area. Others warn of potential consequences, arguing that further fragmenting Syria could embolden other minorities and deepen regional instability. As one social X media post noted, the Druze themselves face internal divisions: while some in Hader have expressed pro-Israel leanings, others in Suwayda reject foreign involvement entirely.

The implications extend beyond Syria. A Druze statelet could reshape Israel's northern frontier but risks inflaming tensions with Turkey, Iran and Russia, while testing the Druze community's ability to forge a unified identity amid external pressures and internal divisions. For Western powers, already concerned about Israel's unilateral actions, this could further strain diplomatic relations.

 

U-Michigan, UC Riverside launch alliance to promote hydrogen-fueled internal combustion engines


US lags behind other countries in support of hydrogen technologies




University of Michigan

 




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ANN ARBOR—Hydrogen has the potential to power internal combustion engines, including on-road and off-road vehicles and equipment, and large marine engines. Despite its promise to reduce climate change emissions such as carbon dioxide and harmful pollutants, hydrogen has largely remained underutilized in the United States.

Officials at the University of Michigan and University of California, Riverside, along with several industry partners, are working to change that with the launch of the Hydrogen Engine Alliance of North America, or H2EA-NA. The alliance will promote hydrogen as a viable alternative fuel that can complement internal combustion engine, or ICE, vehicles while supporting the transition to electric and other zero emission technologies.

"Using hydrogen in internal combustion engines offers a low-carbon, long-term solution for transportation, particularly in applications where battery electric or fuel cell vehicles may not meet consumer performance requirements," said André Boehman, the U-M Vennema Professor of Engineering, professor of mechanical engineering and director of the Walter E. Lay Automotive Engineering Laboratory.

A recent demonstration by Southwest Research Institute of hydrogen ICE technology in a heavy-duty truck showed ultra-low emissions of nitrogen oxides, or NOx, which react in the atmosphere with other pollutants to form lung irritating ozone. The NOx levels were far below those achievable with conventional diesel-powered trucks. This reinforces the potential for hydrogen to help achieve meaningful reductions in transportation-related emissions.

Boehman will serve as a co-director of H2EA-NA alongside Georgios Karavalakis, a UCR professor of chemical and environmental engineering. Karavalakis' work focuses on combustion engines, low- and zero-carbon fuels, and transportation emissions, while Boehman specializes in alternative fuels, fuel production and energy conversion system thermodynamics.

"Hydrogen is a powerful fuel option when used in internal combustion engines, and opens an effective pathway to a cleaner energy future," said principal investigator Wayne Miller, a founding scientist of the alliance whose expertise spans zero-carbon fuels, transportation emissions and marine systems. 

Boehman said the alliance will promote the advantages of hydrogen-powered ICE vehicles.

"By fostering innovation and collaboration across sectors, H2EA-NA will ensure that ICEs contribute meaningfully to North America's hydrogen ecosystem and transportation goals," he said.

H2EA-NA aims to help the U.S. catch up to countries such as China, Germany and Japan, which are at the forefront of hydrogen fuel development. For example, Germany's Allianz Wasserstoffmotor, created in 2021, and the European Clean Hydrogen Alliance, launched a year earlier, serve roles similar to H2EA-NA. 

"The U.S. has immense potential to lead in hydrogen fuel innovation, but significant barriers in infrastructure, policy, and public awareness have slowed progress," Karavalakis said. "While the technologies exist, they are costly due to complexity and the need for expensive raw materials."

As part of its mission to foster collaboration and education, H2EA-NA will host the 2025 Hydrogen Engine Alliance Conference May 1-2, 2025, at the California Air Resources Board headquarters in Riverside, California. 

The event will feature a networking dinner May 1, providing an opportunity for attendees to connect with industry leaders, researchers and policymakers. The full-day conference May 2 will include discussions on advancements in hydrogen engine technology, emissions reduction strategies, infrastructure development and policy initiatives critical to the growth of the hydrogen ecosystem.

H2EA-NA will be funded through annual membership fees from participating companies, with funds directed to the nonprofit U.C. Riverside Foundation. The fees will be split equally between UCR and U-M to support alliance operations.

By bringing together leaders from the automotive, energy and government sectors, H2EA-NA aims to educate the public about hydrogen's potential in the U.S. and build support for hydrogen infrastructure development. Other founding members of the alliance include industry partners with expertise in building efficient engines to operate with hydrogen. 

Membership provides access to the latest technologies, market trends and evolving industry standards. For more information or to inquire about membership, visit the H2EA-NA website.

 

Despite high employment rates, Black immigrants in the United States more likely to be uninsured, USC study shows



The research explores how the interplay of race, immigration status and job quality shapes health care coverage disparities in one of the fastest-growing populations in the United States.



Peer-Reviewed Publication

University of Southern California

Ezinne Nwankwo 

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Dr. Ezinne Nwankwo is ERI’s National Equity Atlas Postdoctoral Scholar. She is a recent graduate of UCLA with her doctorate in Community Health Sciences.  Ezinne’s research interests center on the migration and immigrant experiences of black and African populations. (Photo/Courtesy of Ezinne Nwankwo)

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Credit: Photo/Courtesy of Ezinne Nwankwo




Black immigrant adults in the United States are more likely to be uninsured than their U.S.-born and non-Black immigrant counterparts, despite having the highest employment rates among the groups studied, according to new research from the Equity Research Institute (ERI) at the USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences.

Published in Health Affairs, the study highlights critical health care access gaps for this rapidly growing segment of the U.S. population, suggesting possible links to wage penalties and systemic barriers based on race and immigration status.

“Our results suggest that Black immigrants may be concentrated in jobs that don’t offer health insurance benefits, potentially due to lower wages or limited access to employer-sponsored benefits,” said Ezinne Nwankwo, ERI’s National Equity Atlas Postdoctoral Scholar and the study’s lead and corresponding author.

“Factors such as fears related to immigration status, complexities in navigating coverage within mixed-status families, policy restrictions, language barriers and employment in sectors that do not provide health insurance may contribute to these disparities,” she said.

High employment, low coverage

Black immigrants make up a substantial and rapidly expanding segment of the Black population in the United States. 4.6 million, or 1 in 10, Black people living in the United States are immigrants, a number that has tripled since 1980 and is projected to more than double again by 2060.

The majority of Black immigrants in the United States come from the Caribbean and Africa, which together made up 88% of the Black foreign-born population in 2019. The Caribbean is the most common region of birth for Black immigrants (46%), with Jamaica and Haiti as the leading countries of origin. However, African immigrants have been the main driver of recent growth in the Black immigrant population, increasing 246% since 2000. They now make up 42% of Black immigrants in the United States, primarily from Nigeria and Ethiopia, according to Pew Research Center.

To understand health insurance coverage across racial and immigrant groups, the researchers used data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s five-year American Community Survey (ACS) from 2017-2021 and the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). Because the ACS does not collect data on immigration status, ERI developed a dataset that distinguishes between undocumented individuals, naturalized citizens and those with different visa types (e.g., student, H-1B).

The researchers’ analysis considered factors like employment, state Medicaid coverage and language barriers that could influence access to health care coverage. They then compared Black immigrants with their U.S.-born Black and U.S.- and foreign-born white, Latino and Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) counterparts.

They found that Black immigrants have a 9% higher likelihood of being uninsured compared to U.S.-born white adults. This disparity occurs despite Black immigrants having a 70.2% employment rate, higher than the 60.5% rate for U.S.-born Black individuals, according to U.S. Census data.

In contrast, there were no significant differences in insurance coverage between U.S.-born Black and white individuals.

The study also found significant disparities among Latino populations. U.S.-born Latinos were 31% more likely to be uninsured than U.S.-born white individuals, while Latino immigrants faced more than twice the odds of lacking coverage.

Both Black immigrants and Latino populations — whether U.S.-born or immigrant — were less likely to receive employer-sponsored or union-backed health insurance compared to U.S.-born white individuals.

 “Addressing these systemic issues requires comprehensive policy reforms that consider the unique challenges faced by immigrants,” said Manuel Pastor, director of ERI and co-author of the study.

“Ensuring equitable access to health care is not only a matter of social justice but also essential for the well-being of our communities,” said Pastor, a Distinguished Professor of Sociology and American Studies and Ethnicity and Turpanjian Chair in Civil Society and Social Change at USC Dornsife.

Gender disparities in health insurance coverage

Female respondents across all groups were significantly less likely to be uninsured than their male counterparts. Previous research indicates higher U.S. naturalization rates among immigrant women, suggesting they may play an important role in helping their families and communities navigate the United States’ complex health care system.

“As primary caregivers and community connectors, immigrant women are uniquely positioned to expand outreach and ensure their families access the benefits they are entitled to,” Nwankwo said.

Training them could be an effective strategy for increasing coverage, particularly among underserved groups, including men, she added.

“Our findings underscore the deep-rooted inequities in health care access that persist despite employment and economic contributions from immigrant populations,” Pastor said. “Tackling these issues with policy reforms and community-driven solutions could ensure more equitable access to health care, particularly for those most at risk of being left out.”

 

Ideal nitrogen fertilizer rates in Corn Belt have been climbing for decades, Iowa State study shows





Iowa State University

Farmer applying nitrogen fertilizer 

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A farmer applies nitrogen fertilizer to a corn field in June 2024 in Boone County, Iowa.

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Credit: Alex Schaffer/Iowa Soybean Association




AMES, Iowa – The amount of nitrogen fertilizer needed to maximize the profitability of corn production in the Midwest has been increasing by about 1.2% per year for the past three decades, according to new Iowa State University research.

The study, published last month in Nature Communications, analyzed data from prior long- and short-term studies by Iowa State and the University of Illinois to calculate the Corn Belt’s steadily rising optimum nitrogen rates, which researchers had thought were static over time despite year-to-year fluctuations. Authors of the study primarily attributed the increase in optimum nitrogen rates from 1991 to 2021 to increased loss during wetter springs and the nutrient demands of higher yields, which also rose about 1.2% per year over the same time span.

“As much of a surprise as it was to us, it really wasn’t a surprise when you sat down and thought about it,” said study co-author Michael Castellano, agronomy professor and the William T. Frankenberger Professor in Soil Science. “It’s like a bank account. If you pull money out, you need to deposit more money to keep the account going.”

The analysis tracks with surveys of Iowa farmers, whose self-reported rates of applying nitrogen fertilizer on corn also have increased in recent decades.

“Seeing this study come out, I’m sure some of them will say, ‘I knew it!’,” said study co-author Sotirios Archontoulis, Pioneer Hi-Bred Agronomy Professor.

Efficiency improving

Data-based confirmation of corn’s climbing nitrogen needs reiterates the importance of continuously improving the efficiency of fertilizer use, which is essential to limit the impact on water quality and greenhouse gas emissions. Knowing the science is more in synch with farmers’ experiences may help build confidence in expert recommendations for effectively applying nitrogen fertilizer, said professor of agricultural and biosystems engineering and Brent and Cindy Hart Professor Matthew Helmers, director of the Iowa Nutrient Research Center, the study’s primary funder.

“Farmers hear information from lots of different sources. There’s some uncertainty there,” said Helmers, also a co-author of the study. “But the more they can fine tune their nitrogen management, the greater return they’ll see on their investment in the field and the more we will reduce environmental losses.”

While there’s still room to grow, farmers have become more efficient in applying nitrogen fertilizer. Using 0.7 pounds of nitrogen or less per bushel of corn is a common goal in recent years for Iowa farmers, but Iowa State’s recommendation was 1 pound per bushel 20 years ago and 1.2 pounds per bushel 30 years ago, Castellano said. Rising optimum nitrogen rates over the last 30 years would have been even higher if improved efficiency hadn’t slowed the increase.

Crop rotation, improved drainage and spring fertilizer application are among the highest-impact practices for increasing nitrogen use efficiency, according to an ISU Extension and Outreach tipsheet released last year by many of the same researchers who contributed to the new study.

Applying the right amount of nitrogen is also crucial, and farmers have more resources than ever for setting rates specifically tailored to individual fields. The Iowa Nitrogen Initiative conducts trials on private farms across the state, using the data and cropping system modeling to offer Iowa corn farmers more precise suggested nitrogen rates. The public-private partnership – led by Castellano and Archontoulis and supported by the Iowa Department of Agriculture and Land Stewardship and numerous commodity groups – earlier this month released the initial version of its digital decision support tool. N-FACT (Nitrogen Fertilizer Application Consultation Tool) recommends custom rates by location, weather, soil nitrogen, planting date, cropping system and market prices.

“Farmers knew optimum rates were increasing before we did, and now through our partnership with farmers, the research will closer match the actual realities of on-farm production,” Castellano said.

Trend likely to continue

Efficiency has a bigger impact on the environmental sustainability of nitrogen fertilizer than the rate at which it’s applied. That’s good news because optimum rates are likely to continue inching higher, said Mitchell Baum, a postdoctoral research associate in the agronomy department and first author of the study.

“As long as yields are going to increase, unless there are massive increases in efficiency, we don’t see any signs of this slowing down,” Baum said.

The analysis outlined in the study focused on three different types of optimum nitrogen rates: economic, agronomic and environmental. The economic optimum is based on maximizing farmer profits, the agronomic optimum is the point at which additional nitrogen has no effect on yield and the environmental optimum incorporates the estimated financial cost of nitrous oxide emissions and nitrate leaching into groundwater.  

The economic optimum is always lower than the agronomic optimum and higher than the environmental optimum, but the gaps between the rates are changing. The difference between the max-yield agronomic optimum and the max-profit economic optimum shrank by 79% over the 30 years studied, while the difference between the economic and environmental rates grew by 34%.

Reducing nitrogen fertilization rates to the environmental optimum would cause a drop in yield of about 6% while only slightly reducing nitrogen loss, an unfavorable trade-off, Archontoulis said.

“If you want to cut nitrogen fertilizer rates below the required optimum and also maintain yields, well, we can’t have everything. If you reduce the nitrogen, you reduce yield,” he said.