If anything, the disgraceful ambush that US President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance staged for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office was a candid admission of guilt. It serves as a wake-up call the world must heed without further delay.
For those still harbouring doubts, the US has finally revealed itself as a fully-fledged imperialist power, whose aggressiveness and disdain for the rules-based global order mirror that of its Cold War counterpart: Russia.
It comes as little surprise that Trump's America and Russia find common ground: a "strong man" mentality, disregard for human rights and minorities, dominant right-wing conspiratorial narratives, contempt for rules-based order, and eagerness to interfere in other countries' political affairs.
"The interventions from Washington were no less dramatic and drastic and ultimately outrageous than the interventions we have seen from Moscow," recently said Germany’s likely next chancellor Friedrich Merz, after tech billionaire and Trump aide Elon Musk threw his weight behind the far-right and pro-Russia party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), which polled at over 20% during the February 23 election.
Between hammer and anvil
Caught in the crossfire, alongside war-battered Ukraine, is Europe. Despite the "big, beautiful ocean" separating the new and old worlds, as Trump puts it, dismantling eight decades of close trade and security cooperation will be no easy feat, but the new US administration seems committed to speeding up the process.
To the east, Europe borders directly with Russia, a devious and increasingly belligerent autocracy whose revanchist imperial ambitions have long been evident.
Meanwhile, in light of recent developments, to the west the situation is equally concerning. Not only is the US no longer interested in the special partnership that followed the second world war, but it is now openly hostile to the European project. "The EU was formed to screw the US," Trump recently remarked. We should have learnt by now that the president and his exceptionally loyal cabinet – chosen for their unwavering devotion to the MAGA cause rather than merit – walks the talk. In his second term, it has become abundantly clear: traditional friends and allies mean nothing.
"The defence of Europe is not our problem; been there, done that, twice," said Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth in his 2020 book "American Crusade", adding: "Nato is a relic and should be scrapped and remade in order for freedom to be truly defended." The Pentagon chief's words should send chills down the spine of European leaders, as Washington's priorities shift from alliance defence to potentially unilateral offensive actions.
In this regard, Trump's threats to invade Panama and Greenland should not be taken lightly; his conception of territorial integrity differs little from that of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The Washington-Moscow axis emerges
Now working in tandem behind the scenes, Washington and Moscow appear to be conspiring to resurrect the bipolar world that underpinned the Cold War, with scant regard for everything in between.
Unlike in 1945, however, they face two significant obstacles: the EU, a united, successful – for all its faults – and highly institutionalised bloc of countries, and China, the world's second-largest economic superpower.
In a recent interview with Breitbart, Secretary of State Marco Rubio – a "neocon" diplomat and one of the few figures in the Trump administration not considered a MAGA stooge – outlined US plans for Beijing, which he suggests need to be separated from Moscow by pulling a "reverse Nixon".
"The better outcome for both the Russians and the Americans is that the Russians are not purely dependent on China as a junior partner," Rubio said, indicating that the Moscow-Beijing "no-limits" relationship – where limits do, in fact, exist – represents the primary obstacle hindering Russia from improving relations with the US.
The bottom line: screw Ukraine and Europe whilst pursuing closer relations with Moscow, where besides ideological affinities there is money to be made – as emerged during the Riyadh talks.
Europe's path forward: From whining to winning
This means it is high time for Brussels – and London – to stop whining and pull together, learning the tricks of their former partner-turned-adversary.
The EU should deftly mirror Washington's moves, aiming to decouple China from Russia by convincing Beijing that their trade relationship with Europe is substantially more valuable than Russia's and, if not already evident, that Washington will employ any means necessary to impede their growth.
In fact, China's trade with the European Union far outweighs its economic exchanges with Russia. In 2024, bilateral trade between China and the EU reached $762bn, more than three times the estimated $220bn to $240bn in trade between China and Russia. While Moscow and Beijing have deepened economic cooperation, particularly in energy and infrastructure, the scale of trade with the EU underscores the bloc's central role in China's external commerce.
Some may raise human rights and democracy concerns when dealing with emerging powers, but we should not delude ourselves: these will be disregarded under Trump regardless. The US is rapidly dismantling international support mechanisms – and key soft power instruments – such as USAID, which has provided vital aid to developing countries for over 60 years.
Domestically, the Trump administration is testing the limits of presidential power and rolling back diversity programmes, pursuing an anti-LGBT+ agenda, banning transgender individuals from military service and potentially introducing a federal ban on abortions, among other measures.
The EU can no longer position human rights as a precondition for trade – and potentially security – agreements. It must adapt to the new reality by dropping tariffs on China and promoting additional trade agreements under WTO rules with the Global South. The EU-Mercosur deal, finalised in December though still awaiting ratification in Brussels, and Foreign Affairs Representative Kaja Kallas’ recent outreach to Latin America could serve as a blueprint.
"Come on. You cannot have a trade war with China and Europe at the same time," French President Emmanuel Macron told Trump during a recent meeting at the White House. Likewise, Europe cannot afford to fight simultaneous trade wars against both the US and China, while keeping Russia sanctioned for its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
But more substantial action is required. From its humbled position of “demoted empire,” the EU should convince the wider Global South that it is on their side, while Russia is not. Despite its rhetoric, Moscow does not stand for multipolarity, but is conspiring with the US to return to a Cold War power balance, plotting to carve up the world into spheres of influence. And for all its propaganda efforts, Russia – unlike China – has contributed negligibly to development in the Global South.
Meanwhile, there is little need to underline how the US will not act in favour of the developing world. With USAID gone and Washington's increasing isolationism, no help will come from America – which, in any case, has long played second fiddle to Beijing in global development.
Apart from Ukraine, some suggest that even Iran, post-Assad Syria and perhaps Gaza could be swapped between Russia and the US – in close alignment with Israel – in a geopolitical trade-off. A troubling hypocrisy from Washington, with its self-appointed role of "policeman of democracy," and equally damaging for Moscow's carefully cultivated image as a champion of the Global South and defender of Palestinians' rights.
Reshaping BRICS for a truly multipolar future
All the more, the EU should endeavour to lobby developing countries to expel Russia from BRICS – a formidable, burgeoning trading bloc where Moscow, under its current leadership, has no rightful place given Putin's imperialistic impulses – and assume its position. Let us transform BRICS into BEICS and allow the two malign empires to wallow in their own mire.
Trump will govern for perhaps four years and hopefully be replaced eventually, but the EU must play the long game. Trump 2.0 shows why the US can no longer be relied upon and rings the death knell for Atlanticism. Yet it could serve as a powerful catalyst for the formation of a new multipolar world based on the respect for nations’ territorial integrity and rules-based order.
Today, the US remains the world's most powerful nation, while Russia maintains significant nuclear capabilities and mighty military force. Still, if the rest of the world can overcome differences and unite for the common good, this unbridled duo could be subdued and restrained through established intergovernmental organisations such as the UN, the WTO and, perhaps, a revamped BEICS (without the cumbersome R).
Marco Cacciati is the regional editor for Latin America at bne Intellinews.
