Sunday, December 25, 2022

Venezuela's working-class communities get together to eat Christmas 'hallacas'





NGOs bring traditional hallacas Christmas dish to people in Caracas

Fri, December 23, 2022 

CARACAS (Reuters) - Residents in working-class neighborhoods of Venezuela's capital city of Caracas are coming together to break bread over "hallacas," a dish commonly served around Christmas, as part of an initiative to unite communities depleted by migration.

Hallacas, a type of tamale filled with ingredients such as beef, chicken, olives and capers and wrapped and cooked in banana leaves, are one of Venezuela's most traditional dishes, incorporating indigenous, African and European elements.

The program, backed by half-a-dozen nonprofits, is intended to "unite us within the context of what the hallaca means during Christmas," said Daniel Areche, coordinator of the group "Compromiso Compartido."

Organizers dotted the street with green, red and white balloons and rolled out checkered tablecloths. The neighborhoods' smallest residents noshed on hallacas, leaving their faces caked in the crumbs.

"It is a very beautiful initiative because despite having differences... we were all able to meet today with the same objective, which was to share," said Angie Garcia, 38, who was served a meal at the school she worked at in Antimano, on Caracas' west end.

During the meal, residents busted out the drums and tambourines to sing "gaitas," or seasonal songs characterized by Venezuela's mixed heritage, and "aguinaldos" - similar to Christmas carols.

"For us, an hallaca represents a family get-together," said Sarai Figueredo from the El Cementerio neighborhood. "Many people here, the majority, have family abroad. So this Christmas dish is our connection to that family abroad," she said.

More than 7 million Venezuelans have migrated since 2017 due to the prolonged economic and political crisis in the once-prosperous oil-rich country.

(Reporting by Johnny Carvajal and Efrain Otero; Writing by Vivian Sequera and Kylie Madry; Editing by Rosalba O'Brien)
US Declares Texas Grid Emergency in Arctic Blast



Ari Natter
Sat, December 24, 2022 

(Bloomberg) -- The US Energy Department declared a power emergency in Texas, citing a shortage of electricity as an Arctic winter blast causes power plants to fail.

The order allows the state’s grid operator to exceed certain air pollution limits to boost generation amid record power demand in the state. The Electric Reliability Council of Texas, whose service area includes 90% of electric customers in Texas, requested the emergency order Friday, warning it may need to resort to blackouts.

“While the vast majority of generating units in the ERCOT region continue to operate without any problem, a small number of units have experienced operating difficulties due to cold weather or gas curtailments,” the Energy Department said in its order.

The order said 11,000 megawatts of coal and gas-fired power, 4,000 megawatts of wind and 1,700 megawatts of solar power were out or derated to weather conditions.

It will require the grid operators to provide detailed reporting to the Energy Department and completion of a post-incident special environmental analysis, a department spokeswoman added in an email.

Demand on the Texas power grid reached an all-time winter peak in excess of 74,000 megawatts on Friday morning, according to the Energy Department. Texas officials have been assuring residents the power grid is up to the challenge and that there’s no danger of a repeat of the February 2021 catastrophe that killed more than 200 people.
AS KILIMANJARO'S SNOW MELTS
Africa’s Green Energy Push Gained Momentum In 2022

Editor OilPrice.com
Sat, December 24, 2022 

Although economies in Africa faced uncertainty in 2022 as economic and global shocks weighed on post-Covid-19 pandemic recovery, intraregional trade and climate finance initiatives are helping to chart a course towards more sustainable development.

Mirroring global trends, growth across the region is expected to slow from 4.7% in 2021 to 3.6% in 2022, according to the IMF’s regional economic outlook for sub-Saharan Africa.

Food security has become a central concern for many African nations, especially as high commodity prices, Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine and climate change-induced natural disasters threaten food supply.

Flooding in West Africa between June and November highlighted the continent’s vulnerability to the impact of climate change, displacing some 1.4m people and damaging more than 500,000 ha of farmland.

Despite these headwinds, 2022 saw an increase in regional cooperation on trade and wider geopolitical involvement, as well as economic diversification plans, and efforts to close the financing gap in support of the energy transition and the preservation of the continent’s substantial natural resources.
Regional cooperation

After the COP27 UN Conference on Climate Change held in Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt in November, Africa is eying an increasingly prominent economic and geopolitical role. The African Union aims to become a permanent member of the G20 to strengthen the continent’s presence in global forums.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement seeks to revive intra-continental trade, with coffee beans from Rwanda and tea leaves and vehicle batteries from Kenya making their way to Ghana in early December as part of the Guided Trade Initiative pilot programme.

Some 44 of the 54 signatories have ratified the agreement, which is set to create the largest free trade area in the world in terms of number of participating countries.

Intraregional trade currently makes up 15% of the total on the continent, below comparable rates in Europe (67%) and Asia (60%). However, it is anticipated that AfCFTA could boost African exports by 29%, or around $560bn, and lift more than 30m people out of extreme poverty by 2035.

Cross-border energy agreements supported by the expansion of hydropower infrastructure could help to nurture additional intra-African cooperation. One example is the Lesotho Highlands Project, which aims to provide water to South Africa and generate power for Lesotho. The project received an $86.7m loan from the African Development Bank last year.

Similarly, in 2022 the World Bank committed funding to the Tanzania Rural Electrification Expansion Programme and Uganda’s Grid Expansion and Reinforcement Project – the latter of which supports hydropower generation – to finance grid expansion and achieve more reliable power supply in rural areas.
Financing growth

Increased digital reach and new financing options are poised to expand financial coverage to unbanked populations and increase access to funds for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which employ an estimated 80% of the continent’s workforce.

An increase in digital transactions is spurring countries across Africa to implement an e-money tax to expand their fiscal reach. While critics argue that such policies may stymie e-commerce growth, countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe have succeeded in broadening their tax revenue by targeting mobile money transfers.

Meanwhile, as OBG reported in February, global remittances increased during the beginning of the pandemic and continue to represent a significant and relatively stable source of foreign income for emerging markets.

Financial technology (fintech) has been integral to maintaining this flow of funds. In February the Nigerian Postal Service finalised arrangements for a microfinance bank that could allow 52m unbanked citizens to conduct financial transactions. Meanwhile, at the end of last year Western Union expanded coverage of its mobile banking apps to include customers of KCB Bank Kenya, Diamond Trust Bank and the Kenya Post Office Savings Bank.

Other fintech solutions, including “buy now, pay later” microcredit models and cryptocurrencies, have been seeing robust uptake on the continent and could help improve financing access for individuals and SMEs.
Cultivating added value

In an effort to support sustainable growth and reduce the burden of high commodity prices on consumers, many African nations have directed investment to manufacturing and agro-processing to further the industrialisation of their economies.

As a top exporter of commodities such as cacao, cashews and cotton, Côte d’Ivoire has placed agriculture at the centre of its post-pandemic investment strategy. A 2022 report by Lloyds Bank noted the country was the strongest economy in ECOWAS, thanks in part to foreign investment inflows and increased value-added agricultural processing capacity.

In its efforts to capitalise on the benefits associated with the AfCFTA, Ghana has focused on manufacturing and the establishment of special economic zones (SEZs).

Botswana is similarly expanding its special economic zones in a bid to increase investment opportunities in the country.

Meanwhile, with agriculture accounting for 25% of its GDP, Nigeria is looking to incentivise agro-processing to maximise added value. Although some 90% of agricultural products are exported raw, an estimated 80% of the sector’s profit comes from the processing and retailing of raw goods.

As part of its Green Deal initiative, in July the EU and its development finance institutions announced a fund of €1.3bn through to 2027 to help Nigeria to diversify its economy away from oil. In addition to reforestation and renewable energy projects, the funding will help improve farmers’ access to markets.

Moreover, with support from the African Development Bank, in October Nigeria launched its Special Agro-industrial Processing Zone programme in eight states, with the goal of creating new economic zones in rural areas where agricultural and food companies can do business, decreasing food supply loss and increasing agro-processing opportunities.

Other African countries have sought to capitalise on the fast-growing electric vehicle (EV) segment to meet both economic and emissions goals.

South Africa, the continent’s biggest greenhouse gas emitter due to its reliance on coal, is also sub-Saharan Africa’s largest EV market.

When it launched its Low Emission Development Strategy 2050 in 2020 with the goal of becoming a net-zero economy within 30 years, EVs in particular were identified as central to limiting tailpipe emissions. Following plans set forth in its Green Transport Strategy 2018-50, South Africa seeks to mobilise $513bn in investment in the segment by 2050.

Egypt is another major African economy targeting EV manufacturing and development as a path to lower emissions.

In March El Nasr Automotive Manufacturing Company (NASCO) signed a shareholders’ agreement with the National Automotive Company to establish the country’s first EV distributor as well as a memorandum of understanding with Valeo Egypt, a subsidiary of the French automotive supplier of the same name, to design, develop and produce EV components. The country’s first NASCO-manufactured EVs will hit the market in 2023.

The government is courting investment in charging station infrastructure to help realise its green transport goals, offering private players a 40% share in a company established to oversee the 3000 pay-to-use charging stations under construction across Egypt.
Funding sustainability

Perhaps the biggest takeaway of COP27 was an agreement on a loss and damage fund for countries most vulnerable to climate change, many of which are in Africa.

While the details of the fund have not yet been made public, the continent has long been a laboratory for creative climate financing.

The 51 African countries that submitted nationally determined contributions during the COP21 UN Conference on Climate Change in Paris will require $28bn in funding by 2030 to meet those goals, according to a report published in June 2022 by the Climate Policy Initiative.

As OBG reported earlier this year, in March the World Bank launched the world’s first wildlife conservation bond, a five-year, $150m, outcome-based financial instrument tied to the rate of population growth of endangered black rhinos in South Africa’s Addo Elephant National Park and Great Fish River Nature Reserve.

Such efforts aim to encourage private investment in conservation, while also lessening the risk shouldered by governments and donors.

Southern and Eastern African nations are seeking to use similar climate-for-debt swaps known as blue bonds to build the so-called Great Blue Wall, an initiative protecting marine and coastal resources in the Indian Ocean from Somalia to South Africa. The participating countries hope to sequester 100m tonnes of CO2 and create 1m blue jobs by 2030.

Green bonds protecting rainforests have also emerged as a useful climate finance tool.

At COP27, the Democratic Republic of the Congo joined Brazil and Indonesia in talks to form a strategic conservation alliance termed the “OPEC for rainforests”. A future agreement could work towards protecting the 52% of global rainforest cover that lies within their borders.

In October Gabon, a vocal proponent of debt-for-nature swaps, announced plans to sell sub-Saharan Africa’s largest green bond to date – valued between $100m and $200m – to fund the construction of hydropower plants.

The West African nation has also discussed using green bonds to help conserve and sustainably develop its rainforests, feeding into its goals for economic diversification and providing jobs for its citizens.

By Oxford Business Group
PHOTO ESSAY
Climate change threatens centuries-old oases in Morocco


MOSA'AB ELSHAMY
Sat, December 24, 2022 

ALNIF, Morocco (AP) — Residents of the oasis of Alnif say they can’t remember a drought this bad: The land is dry. Some wells are empty. Palm groves that date back more than 100 years are barren.

Home to centuries-old oases that have been a trademark of Morocco, this region about 170 miles southeast of Marrakesh is reeling from the effects of climate change, which has created an emergency for the kingdom’s agriculture.

Among those affected is Hammou Ben Ady, a nomad in the Tinghir region who leads his flock of sheep and goats in search of grazing grass. The drought forced him to rely on government handouts of fodder.

November is usually a cold, wet month in Alnif, but when the rain failed to come, the king called for rain prayers across the country, an old Islamic tradition during desperately dry times.

Children led the procession, holding wooden planks inscribed with Quranic verses, followed by local officials and residents. They gathered near a dead oasis as a religious leader declared that the drought was a man-made disaster and that the rains will come when people atone for their sins and the way they have “treated the planet.”

Resident Mo’chi Ahmad said the oasis has provided a livelihood for this population for hundreds of years. Now the oasis is “threatened with extinction,” and everyone notices the disappearing palm trees.

In the last three years, hundreds of people from oasis areas have fled toward cities and many young people have migrated toward Europe, mainly because of the drought, said Mohamed Bozama, another resident.

He also blames the digging of unauthorized wells and rising demand for water from existing wells for worsening the crisis.

But for Hassan Bouazza, some of the solution lies in the hands of the people of the Alnif region. He was the first to install solar panels on the region’s ksar, or castle, and began relying on the energy produced to dig wells and irrigate his fellow farmers’ lands.

“We must learn to live with the situation we’re in and think about ways to make the heat and drought work to our advantage,” such as using new irrigation systems and solar power, he said.

He called for oasis inhabitants to be provided with training to help them move away from traditional irrigation in favor of drip irrigation, which requires significantly less water.

But sometimes, Bouazza said, it’s hard not to despair when climate warnings are ignored.

“It is like a little child holds a dying bird in his hand, and all he does is laugh. This is how we are treating Mother Earth.”

Morocco Dead Oasis Photo Gallery




















Nomadic herders guide their sheep in search for food to graze near Tinghir, Morocco, Monday, Nov. 28, 2022. The centuries-old oases that have been a trademark of Morocco are under threat from climate change, which has created an emergency for the kingdom's agriculture. (AP Photo/Mosa'ab Elshamy)More

CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M
Facebook parent Meta to settle Cambridge Analytica scandal case for $725 million

Reuters Published December 23, 2022 

Facebook owner Meta Platforms Inc has agreed to pay $725 million to resolve a class-action lawsuit accusing the social media giant of allowing third parties, including Cambridge Analytica, to access users’ personal information.

The proposed settlement, which was disclosed in a court filing late on Thursday, would resolve a long-running lawsuit prompted by revelations in 2018 that Facebook had allowed the British political consulting firm Cambridge Analytica to access data of as many as 87m users.

Lawyers for the plaintiffs called the proposed settlement the largest to ever be achieved in a US data privacy class action and the most that Meta has ever paid to resolve a class action lawsuit.

“This historic settlement will provide meaningful relief to the class in this complex and novel privacy case,” the lead lawyers for the plaintiffs, Derek Loeser and Lesley Weaver, said in a joint statement.

Meta did not admit wrongdoing as part of the settlement, which is subject to the approval of a federal judge in San Francisco. The company said in a statement settling was “in the best interest of our community and shareholders”.

“Over the last three years we revamped our approach to privacy and implemented a comprehensive privacy programme,” Meta said.

Cambridge Analytica, now defunct, worked for Donald Trump’s successful presidential campaign in 2016, and gained access to the personal information from millions of Facebook accounts for the purposes of voter profiling and targeting.

Cambridge Analytica obtained that information without users’ consent from a researcher who had been allowed by Facebook to deploy an app on its social media network that harvested data from millions of its users.

The ensuing Cambridge Analytica scandal fuelled government investigations into its privacy practices, lawsuits and a high-profile US congressional hearing where Meta Chief Executive Mark Zuckerberg was grilled by lawmakers.

In 2019, Facebook agreed to pay $5 billion to resolve a Federal Trade Commission probe into its privacy practices and $100m to settle US Securities and Exchange Commission claims that it misled investors about the misuse of users’ data.

Investigations by state attorneys general are ongoing, and the company is fighting a lawsuit by the attorney general for Washington, DC.

Thursday’s settlement resolved claims by Facebook users that the company violated various federal and state laws by letting app developers and business partners harvest their personal data without their consent on a widespread basis.

The users’ lawyers alleged that Facebook misled them into thinking they could keep control over personal data, when in fact it let thousands of preferred outsiders gain access.

Facebook argued its users have no legitimate privacy interest in information they shared with friends on social media. But US District Judge Vince Chhabria called that view “so wrong” and in 2019 largely allowed the case to move forward.Now you can follow Dawn Business on Twitter, LinkedIn, Instagram and Facebook for insights on business, finance and tech from Pakistan and across the world.
ESSAY: ART VERSUS STATE VIOLENCE
Published December 25, 2022 Updated about 7 hours ago

Pakistan, in its short history, and the land and its people in its longer colonial history, has seen its share of violence. As a country that has been subject to intermittent oppressive military regimes and a political arena based on ethnic and religious divisions, the state has been both victim and perpetrator of violence — ranging from the blatant and outright, to the more sinister oppressive practices, at times hidden in plain sight as completely legitimate policies.

The city of Karachi, especially, becomes a microcosmic of the long bloody history of violence that the citizens of Pakistan have been subjected to, from street crime to extortion rackets by militant wings of religious and political parties. Its citizens, especially those in the lower income areas and the poor indigenous people on the peripheries of the city, live in a constant state of fear of the political elite, and even the authorities that are often either involved or turn the other cheek.

In the book Art, Violence and the State in the Killing Fields of Karachi, art critic Quddus Mirza aptly likens the relationship between art and the state to an abusive marriage. The book, conceived by Adeela Suleman and Mariam Ali Baig, delves deep into the 444 extrajudicial killings carried out in 192 alleged fake encounters by former SSP Rao Anwar Ahmed Khan between 2011-2018, the art installation by Adeela Suleman titled ‘The Killing Fields of Karachi’ (2019) for the Karachi Biennale 2019 (KB19), and the subsequent destruction of this artwork by the authorities in an act of blatant, violent censorship and suppression.

Fahim Zaman Khan and Naziha Syed Ali detailed Anwar’s criminal operations in a Dawn report that is included in the book, stating, “The former SSP was the head of a vicious cabal, including cops and local thugs… anyone who crossed them or refused to pay was picked up, detained and tortured, sometimes even killed in fake encounters.”

Adeela Suleman pictured in her workshop, surrounded by her team of metal workers | Stephan Andrew

According to this report, Anwar was running multiple rackets, including extortion of protection money, land grabbing and a land mafia mining and selling sand and gravel from public land.

Anwar was able to evade all inquiries into his extrajudicial killings as he is thought to have been protected by powerful figures in the government and even the establishment, who not only allowed him to continue his business, but actually nurtured him as an asset.

A recent book helps explore the relationship between art and the state through the lens of violence and censorship

Right up until he perhaps started to become a liability. That might be one of the reasons the case of Naqeebullah Mehsud, the 27-year-old Pakhtun father of two abducted and murdered by Anwar in 2018 at an abandoned poultry farm in the outskirts of Karachi, became his undoing.

Claims of Naqeebullah’s ties to the terrorist group Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) contradicted images of his going viral in the media, showing a handsome young man with beautiful long hair and dreams of becoming a model.

It was this image that caught the imagination of the nation, which quickly rallied behind his father, Muhammad Khan’s protests in pursuit of justice. Naqeebullah became the face of the countless victims of encounter killings which propelled the mobilisation of a nation.

“One of Anwar’s victims had been humanised, and no one could look away,” says Human Rights activist Jibran Nasir in ‘A Death Foretold’.

However, even as the case against Anwar gained strength in what lawyer Faisal Siddiqi describes as “lightning speed and unexpected directions” in his essay ‘The Art of Justice’, where he identifies the chain of events as they happened, nothing became of it.

Rao Anwar SSP District Malir, Karachi — the ‘encounter specialist’
 | Dawn Archives

Once public interest and outcry faded, the case started losing strength, as Anwar was granted bail, witnesses retracted statements and evidence began to disappear, and he ran free.

“The state knows that a guilty verdict on Naqeebullah’s murder would give social, political and, to a great extent, legal legitimacy to claims regarding the state’s abetment of unconstitutional abductions and extrajudicial killings,” says Nasir.

Violence and Art


In a country where most people have become desensitised by the routine violence, it is the artists who return our focus to what is important. Art has had a longstanding fascination with human suffering and misery, almost to the extent of fetishism in certain cases.

Throughout art history, artists have focused on violent imagery, horror, pain and grief, from elements of violence found in the Lascaux caves of wild beast hunts to 15th-16th century art rife with violent imagery from myths, legends and religious scripture alike.

The painting “Judith Beheading Holofernes” (1598–1599 or 1602) by Caravaggio, for instance, turns the graphic depiction of blood and gore into a thing of beauty, at once repulsive and enticing.

In recent years, artists have sought to question and comment on this proclivity, such as in many of the works by Rashid Rana, most potently with his series ‘Flesh and Blood’ (2009), which explores the link between sex and violence.

Adeela Suleman’s entire practice focuses on the ways in which violence is an everyday part of our lived experience and visual landscape, and by aesthetising it, she comments on our desensitisation and apathy towards — and at times even a dark enjoyment of — it.

She delves deeper into this phenomenon in her essay ‘Towards Mayhem’, declaring that, “The more odious the act, the more compelling it becomes for actors and observers alike… the more heinous the crime, the more captivating and beautiful the monument to it.”

A major critique of this is the perpetration of the very concept being critiqued, the act of combining beauty and violence resulting in its palatability, and a further normalisation of the horrors in society. Victims are dehumanised and there is a dissociation from the crime, as it almost becomes a source of entertainment, packaged as an object, rather than a violent act or mournful event, undercutting the gravity of such incidents.
Adeela Suleman, ‘Untitled VI’

Most recently, Netflix crime dramas, specifically Dahmer — Monster: The Jeffrey Dahmer Story (2022) was criticised for exactly this reason. In this way, art becomes complicit in the crime, the indirect perpetrator of violence.

In some works, the violence becomes even more direct and performative, such as in Ai Wei Wei’s “Dropping a Han Dynasty Urn” (1995), where the destructive act is the art. Paradoxically, the destroyed object acquires a new meaning and significance as it transforms into another form and work of art, enduring even as it loses its physical presence. In this way, the act of destruction is also an act of creation.

What makes pain and violence so compelling to the artist? Why do they find beauty in it? Is it that it is such a universal part of the human experience, or that in the reminder of death we are most alive? Is it a twisted sense of sadistic pleasure, or a sense of power, derived from instigating an emotive response from others? Or perhaps it is the belief that only through suffering can we truly understand and appreciate the meaning of life, a problematic view held by many proponents of war.

All these elements came together in Adeela Suleman’s installation at the Karachi Biennale 2019 (KB19), ‘The Killing Fields of Karachi’ (2019), which memorialised the victims of extrajudicial killings carried out by Anwar.

With Naqeebullah and his father as the prime focus, Suleman’s work aimed to remind us of these injustices, with 444 pillars standing almost as tombstones outside and inside the Frere Hall, one of the KB19 venues. The wilted metal roses atop these pillars again linked beauty and death.

However, the work did not look at the tragedy with an outsider’s patronising gaze, but gave voice to the victim and his family, almost in a collaborative capacity through the video and photographic components, and perhaps even a sense of closure, by honouring the victims through remembrance. At the same time, it is a point of awareness for the audience. In this sense, the recreated violence was not purposeless and, in fact, served the victims; rather than being complicit, it countered the perpetrators.

However, the work stirred controversy within two hours of its opening, as it was forcefully shut down by the authorities and, in the next two days, it was destroyed, hauled into Karachi Metropolitan Corporation (KMC) trucks and carried away. This violence inflicted upon the artwork was meant to silence these 444 voices once again, but became an inadvertent performance that, instead, added a new dimension to the work.

An installation that would’ve been viewed by a few hundred people — art being a niche interest in Pakistan — had now reached millions around the globe, making international news and becoming part of mainstream discourse. It was immortalised through images and the story behind it shared widely on social media, and the injustice spurred a round of performative protests from members of civil society and the art community.
Adeela Suleman ‘Statecraft of Violence’ (2021-2022) | Ghalib Hasnain



Much like Ai Wei Wei’s performance, here too, the erasure granted the work more visibility and through its own destruction, it is now permanently etched on to the pages of art history, to be discussed and dissected for years to come.

What would perhaps have merely been an artwork, viewed and appreciated in the moment, has now become a significant political event, where civil liberties came under attack. It sought to remember the victims of injustice, and now it will itself be remembered as a monument to the injustice it endured.

Art and Censorship


Art and the state are inextricably linked by their relationship with violence. Art reveals certain truths about life and human nature through its portrayal of violence, while the state instigates violence to silence these threatening truths.

“The provision of justice or other basic services is of no interest to the government. As the state is becoming weaker, it is becoming more authoritarian,” says Faisal Siddiqi. In order to hide this weakness and re-establish its power, an exercise of control is needed. This manifests in the form of censorship in one form or another and, thus, censorship itself can be a form of violence inflicted by the state.

But why does the state target the arts in a country where its audience is fairly limited, and their efforts merely fan the flames? In the case of Suleman’s installation, it is even more perplexing, as the artist states that it was merely a reiteration of facts already in public knowledge, adding nothing new to the discourse.

She feels it is due to the same reason Naqeebullah’s case captured the attention of the nation — the power of the image. This power of art to influence opinions and rile up the nation challenges the power of the state, and thus it retaliates to re-assert its hold.

However, it is also the subjective nature of art, and its position as the response of an individual that, in turn, draws an emotive response from the audience. It is not presented as cold facts in media reports, and is not backed by multiple powerful media corporations with their own political backings, but a defenceless citizen presenting an opinion, even if in subtext. While Suleman insists she is simply telling a story, the way this story is presented takes a stance that threatens those involved in the crime and instigates a defensive reaction.

Furthermore, while the artist insists her work is a memorial and not a protest, the idea of memorialising such tragedies, in itself is an act of defiance and resistance, when the perpetrators rely on our propensity to forget and move on to grant them impunity.

Adeela Suleman pictured at the ‘die-in’ protest | Marvi Mazhar

“We live in a society that believes in forgetting acts of brutal state violence,” writes Faisal Siddiqi and that it was the initial mobilisation by civil society that overcame the fear surrounding Anwar’s accountability and sustained the legal battle against him. It was only when this mobilisation lost traction that he was able to slip away. Memorials help us remember, and this remembering becomes a form of silent protest, and so the authorities did not like the idea of Suleman reminding us yet again.

While the attempts at silencing her backfired, its long-term effects are still detrimental to the arts, creating a culture of fear that leads to even more self-censorship. Suleman says, “Here it is important to note that, even when such efforts do not actually suppress particular types of expression, they cast a shadow of fear, which leads to the voluntary curtailment of expression by those who seek to avoid controversy… The arts cannot thrive in such a climate of fear.”

Religious extremism already makes it tenuous for artists to navigate the treacherous waters of artistic creation in Pakistan, and many practitioners who choose to dabble in controversial visuals and subject matter risk limited exposure at the least and threat to life at the most.

Incidents like these may stoke the fire within a few rebellious hearts but remind a large majority why it is simply not worth the trouble. What was only in the subtext and merely assumed in the past is now proven to be true, that no one is exempt, free speech is a myth, and artists who step out of line are not safe. Art is pushed further into the margins and peripheries.

This is clearly evidenced in the Karachi Biennale Trust’s response to the entire incident, which was to abandon the artists in the name of saving the biennale and bringing art into the mainstream discourse. Was it a sensible move to sacrifice the one to save the many, and to allow the show to go on for the benefit of the larger art community?

Or was it cowardice to throw a fellow artist under the bus in order to protect themselves? If only a certain type of art can remain in the centre, dictated by those with their own agendas and a narrow understanding of the standards of contemporary art, then what is even the point?

In the face of this dilemma, the inscription on Suleman’s memorial graveyard becomes even more pertinent:

“When confronted with violent terror we acquiesced, in the denial that the same beast of intolerance raged rampant within our own souls. Do you wonder why we lie before you, the countless un-mourned? We ourselves are the victim but also the perpetrator of this very terror.”

As the old adage goes, “Zulm sehna bhi zulm hai [Tolerating oppression is also oppression].” In our refusal to stand up in the face of oppression, we ourselves risk becoming the oppressors.

The writer is an independent art critic and curator

Published in Dawn, EOS, December 25th, 2022
Turkish court releases journalist held under ‘disinformation’ law

Reuters Published December 25, 2022 
Screengrab from video posted by Sinan Aygul on Friday. — Twitter/sinanaygul

ANKARA: A Turkish court ordered the release of a journalist held on remand under the country’s new disinformation law after his lawyer objected to his detention, he said.

Sinan Aygul became the first person to be jailed pending trial under the law — approved by parliament two months ago — that the government says is aimed at protecting the public but which critics say could be abused to stifle dissent.

Aygul, a journalist in the Kurdish-majority Bitlis province, wrote on Twitter last week that a 14-year-old girl had allegedly been sexually abused by suspects including police and soldiers.

A screenshot of the tweet by Aygul clarifying the now-deleted tweet. — Twitter/@sinanaygul

He retracted the posts and apologised for writing them without confirming the story with authorities but was later arrested. Aygul said in a video posted to Twitter late on Friday that he was released after his lawyer filed an objection to the detention order.

“I am free again after 10 days of captivity,” he said in the video. “I hope neither I nor any of my journalist colleagues has to experience such a situation.” The law carries a jail sentence of up to three years for anyone who spreads false or misleading information.



Published in Dawn, December 25th, 2022
Some good news
Editorial 
Published December 25, 2022 

IT should be a moment of pride for the country that the film Joyland has become the first Pakistani film to be shortlisted for the best International Feature Film category by an Oscar committee. Joyland is one of 15 films that made the cut in the category which saw nominations from 92 countries. The development is a huge honour for the team that worked on the film, and will serve as encouragement not just for the film crew but also the independent film community in Pakistan.

It is an unfortunate reality that though the film has been appreciated by the Academy Awards and gained recognition at several other international film festivals, it is still not being shown in Punjab. Earlier, it was banned across the country, but after Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif ordered a committee to review the film, thankfully the ban was lifted. It reminds one of the numerous other instances where Pakistan has been celebrated by the international community for an achievement that has hardly been recognised at home. Dr Abdus Salam, Pakistan’s first Nobel laureate, was recognised for his work in physics internationally, but unfortunately at home, his name and legacy are largely absent from the history books. Such occasions must compel our leaders to reflect on why the nation has reached this unpleasant juncture, and what can be done to address it. Joyland explores the relationship between a married man and a transgender woman, and while it is a novel subject when it comes to films made locally, it is by no means offensive. In fact, it tells the story of a community that is vilified and violently attacked. As the people celebrate this piece of good news, its political stakeholders must do more to support art and creative expression as well as deliberate on ways to promote tolerance. It is disappointing that despite the court and parliament recognising the rights of transpeople, there are many elements in society who are able to create a climate of fear that leads to such bans.

Published in Dawn, December 25th, 2022

SMOKERS’ CORNER: REINVENTED HISTORIES AND COMMUNITIES
Published December 25, 2022
Illustration by Abro

The day after the founder of the modern Turkish republic, Kamal Ataturk, passed away in November 1939, a leading Urdu daily in pre-Partition India, Inquilab, reported that Ataturk, who had slipped into a coma, briefly woke up to convey a message to a servant of his.

According to the report, Ataturk instructed his servant to tell the ‘millat-i-Islamiyya’ [the Islamic nation] to follow in the footsteps of the ‘Khulfa-i-Rashideen’ [the righteously guided caliphs]. After saying this, he passed away.

In 1988, the Islamic scholar Dr Israr Ahmad claimed that, according to one of Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s doctors, the founder of Pakistan during his last moments spoke about the importance of imposing Shariah laws. Both claims have been rubbished by most historians. However, as late as in May 2019, the then prime minister of Pakistan Imran Khan was circulating the second claim as a fact. All three cases can be understood as examples of ‘presentism’ and ‘invented tradition’.

Presentism, as a sociological term, refers to concocting a past that validates one’s political beliefs in the present. Presentism can also lead to invented tradition. The latter is about traditions that are posited as being old, but are actually recent inventions.


Politicians and ideologues often make use of invented traditions and presentism — concocting a past that validates one’s political beliefs in the present

Presentism and invented tradition are often used to construct national communities. Both are applied to forge a set of invented memories and traditions that a group of people are encouraged to embrace, so that they could become a community with a shared ‘history’.

Although not more than 24 hours had lapsed between Ataturk’s demise and the appearance of the aforementioned report in Inquilaab, this can still be understood as a case of presentism. At the time, India was in the midst of an evolving political battle between Muslim nationalists, Indian nationalists and Hindu nationalists. The ‘modernist’ faction of Muslim nationalism had hailed Ataturk when he abolished the Ottoman caliphate in 1924.

However, the counter-modernist faction, which had begun to advocate the creation of an ‘Islamic state’, felt uneasy about Ataturk’s secularisation project. When Ataturk was about to launch his project, he critiqued the idea of the caliphate by pointing out the presentism in it. He declared that, “the notion of a single caliph exercising religious authority over all Muslim people was only in books, not in reality.”

By books he meant theories that were attempting to justify the revival of the caliphate as if it were an ancient tradition. The fact is, just decades after Islam emerged in 7th century CE, its political system had become entirely monarchical. After the mid-7th century, the caliph was a monarch in every sense.

In the books that Ataturk was referring to, presentism and invented tradition had come together to claim that the Ottoman caliphate was a continuation of an unbroken chain of caliphs who first emerged in the first half of the 7th century. This was a concoction. Ottomans were nothing of the sort.

So Inquilaab had to go out of its way to refigure Ataturk as a man who suddenly realised his folly of secularising Turkey. Dr Israr’s similar claim regarding Jinnah came when the Ziaul Haq dictatorship had been trying to remould the founder of Pakistan as a late-blooming Islamist ideologue.

In reality, Jinnah was entirely secular in his habits. He claimed to be working towards the creation of a Muslim-majority country to safeguard the economic and political interests of India’s Muslims from the hegemonic designs of India’s upper-caste Hindus. But he detested theocracy.





Indeed, the modernist Muslim nationalism that Jinnah adopted also contained presentism. This presentism claimed that modern economic and political ideas, which the Europeans had introduced, were already embedded in Islam. This presentist notion freed 19th and 20th century Muslim reformers to adopt modernity.

This is why most counter-modernists were opposed to Jinnah. Nevertheless, their own use of presentism and invented tradition went deeper. Ironically, the counter-modernists too were a product of modernity. For example, when they began to speak of an Islamic state, they borrowed heavily from theorists who helped build the concept of the modern state.

The state as we know it today is a European construct, not more than 300 years old. And the concept of the Islamic state is an entirely 20th century concept. It emerged in the first half of the 20th century to counter the idea of the modern Muslim nation-state. The counter-modernists understood the nation-states as a Western concept and constructed the idea of the Islamic state as an alternative.

They lamented that there was no room for a nation-state in Islam nor do the faith’s scriptures allow it. Their critics retorted by pointing out that nowhere do the scriptures speak of an Islamic state as well. They called out the presentism and invented tradition that the advocates of the Islamic state were using.

The modernists insisted that the scriptures were a moral guide. But the counter-modernists posited that the scriptures not only provided moral guidance, but in them was a political ‘blueprint’ for the construction of a state navigated by pious men, who were to operate as viceregents of God. Thus was born Political Islam.

The modernists rejected this and saw it as a way through which their opponents were politicising the scriptures to grab state power. According to the historian Nicholas P. Roberts, the core of Political Islam rests upon a series of reinvented understandings of traditional Islamic concepts and symbols.

For example, words in the scriptures that are meant to forge social harmony and mindful individual behaviour in a community, are given a political meaning. These words begin to operate like political concepts through which Islamists formulate their contemporary rhetoric.

They validate their current political ideas by suggesting that these ideas were a continuation of a pristine past that had been destroyed by modernity. However, Political Islam itself is an outcome of modernity, no different or older than other modern ideologies such as socialism, nationalism, capitalism, etc. As Roberts puts it, whereas the modernist strand of Muslim nationalism tried to modernise Islam, counter-modernists Islamicise modernity.

In the 1980s, when Zia’s projection of Jinnah as an Islamic ideologue was blown to bits by historians such as Stanley Wolpert and Ayesha Jalal, out came Dr Israr’s claim that, in his dying moments, Jinnah had desired a modern-day caliphate.

This is still believed by those who are faced with the fact that Jinnah was an outright liberal, and a Muslim modernist. Zia and Israr were flexing presentism to validate the state’s shift from the modernist Muslim nationalism of its founders, to adopting a more theocratic strand of this nationalism.

When Imran Khan enthusiastically circulated Israr’s words, he was trying to validate his own image of being a contemporary architect of an ancient pious state.

Published in Dawn, EOS, December 25th, 2022
CRIMINAL CRYPTO CAPITALI$M
Karachi court issues non-bailable arrest warrants for Waqar Zaka in cryptocurrency scam case
Published December 22, 2022
DAWN.COM

A Karachi court issued on Thursday a non-bailable arrest warrant for television and social media personality Waqar Zaka in a case pertaining to an Rs86 million cryptocurrency scam.

Earlier this year, the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) had booked Zaka in connection with an inquiry into alleged virtual currency-related transactions from his bank account.

On Thursday, when the matter was taken up by the judicial magistrate, the former TV host failed to appear in court.

Subsequently, the judge directed the office to issue a non-bailable arrest for Zaka — who is allegedly absconding to avoid his arrest in the case — and adjourned the hearing till Jan 5.

Inquiry against Zaka

The FIA has said that an inquiry was initiated against Zaka upon the receipt of a source report initiated by the Financial Monitoring Unit (FMU).

It stated that during the last three years the aggregated credits of Rs86.1 million and debt of Rs87.1 million were observed in his bank account, adding that the bank’s statement revealed that the funds were being credited into the accounts through foreign remittance and clearing of cheques, which were subsequently debited through internal transfer to the accounts of his different family members.

It went on to say that Zaka used social media for charity purposes and international crowdfunding — through which he received Rs6.8 million. FIA added that the money was withdrawn through a pay order and interbank fund transfer.

“Whereas, the multiple news, blogs, and videos were found on a public database which transpires involvement of accused Waqar Zaka into cryptocurrency/virtual assets”, alleged the agency.

“During the inquiry, Bitcoin/cryptocurrency-related posts were found on his Twitter account, the accused also promotes cryptocurrency like Bitcoin”, it further alleged.

The agency maintained that after examining the report, secured documents such as copies of the bank records and institutions, and oral evidence, it had been substantiated that the accused — in violation of banking rules and regulations and prescribed law of the country — fraudulently and dishonestly committed the offences of virtual assets/cryptocurrency trading and facilitating to use virtual assets for transferring funds and generating profits.

It added that after the inquiry was initiated and the accused was summoned, he initiated false propaganda against the institutions of the state and was found involved in illegal activities through social media by putting up objectionable material/remarks against the institutions, threats to the government officials and provoking the public against the state.

He was allegedly found guilty of committing the offences punishable under the Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act, 2016, Pakistan Penal Code, Anti-Money Laundering Act 2020 and Foreign Exchange Regulation Act 1947, FIA added.