Tuesday, April 02, 2024

TODESFETISCH
Irish Titanic items of ‘extreme historical importance’ up for auction



A photograph of Titanic’s senior wireless operator Jack Phillips with other operators at the Marconi station outside Clifden


Historic Irish photographs which show Titanic wireless operator Jack Phillips at a Co Galway station are coming up for sale this month.

The pictures were taken at the transatlantic Marconi wireless station at the coastal town of Clifden.

They show the station where the first commercial wireless service was established between the Old and New worlds, and a picture of staff, Mr Phillips, who died in the Titanic disaster in 1912.

The Titanic, which was built by Harland and Wolff in Belfast, sank on its maiden voyage from Southampton to New York. Around 1,500 people died in the disaster.




The barometer that hung in Ernest Shackleton’s cabin on his final voyage

While it was known that Titanic wireless operator Mr Phillips worked at the Clifden station, no photographs of him there have emerged until now.

The original press photograph was taken in 1908 but unpublished. It shows Mr Phillips in the company of other operators at their bungalow at the station in Derrygimlagh, outside Clifden — later burned down by the IRA.

The Clifden photograph also includes William Entwhistle, chief engineer and PJ Tracey, who was the first man to transmit a transatlantic message from the new service, when British, American, Italian and Canadian flags were hoisted on the masts supporting the aerial in celebration.

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Mr Tracey also received radio pioneer Guglielmo Marconi’s reply from Glace Bay, Nova Scotia, over 3,200km away.

Mr Phillips appears on the 1911 Irish census at Clifden and had two stints at the station, which he once described as a “dreary hole” in a letter to his sister.

The picture is described as “of extreme wireless and Titanic historical importance,” by Andrew Aldridge of Henry Aldridge and Sons, which will sell lot 214 on Saturday, April 27 in Devizes, Wiltshire.

It has an estimate value of up to £1,280. Included is an image which was published in the Daily Mirror under the title “Mr Marconi’s Triumph: Pictures of the Irish Station.”



The commemorative anchor made by Titanic crewman William McCarthy

It was at the Clifden station that John Alcock and Arthur Brown landed, having made the first transatlantic flight in 1919, long before Lindbergh’s solo crossing in 1927.

There are also important items related to the Irish-born polar explorer Ernest Shackleton, who came from Kilkea, Co Kildare — with a museum now dedicated to him in Athy.

Estimated at up to £8,550 is a barometer that hung in Shackleton’s cabin on his final voyage in 1921-22. A signed letter states: “This aneroid barometer was taken to the Antarctic and was screwed up in Sir Ernest Shackleton’s cabin on R.Y.S. Quest.”

A film-prop piece of wood, on which the character Rose survives in the 1997 movie Titanic recently sold for $715,000 (£567,000). Estimated at only £256, however, is a post-disaster commemorative anchor made by an Irish Titanic crewman.

In faded script it says: “Constructed by AB seaman William McCarthy, a survivor of the tragedy of the White Star liner Titanic.”
‘Pakistan among countries that may be involved in foreign interference in Canada’
REPORTS INDIA; WHO DOES INTERFERE


ByAnirudh Bhattacharyya
Apr 02, 2024 
Hindustan Times 


This has emerged for the first time in documents submitted to the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Federal Electoral Processes and Democratic Institutions, which is headed by Justice Marie-Josee Hogue
A Canadian flag flies in front of the Peace Tower on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Ontario. (REUTERS)


Toronto: The Canadian government has cited Pakistan among the countries that may be involved in foreign interference in the country.

That has emerged for the first time in documents submitted last week to the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Federal Electoral Processes and Democratic Institutions, which is headed by Justice Marie-Josee Hogue.

The undated document was prepared by Canada’s Security and Intelligence Threats to Elections (SITE) Task Force and provided to the head of Elections Canada Stephane Perrault.

The document, cited by the outlet National Post, noted that while China was the principal concern in this context and “outpaces” other countries, “challenges remain” in dealing with the others, including Pakistan.

However, most of the information related to Pakistan was redacted in the version of the submission that was seen by the outlet.

It stated that countries like Russia and India had “not yet demonstrated a significant threat to the election process”. India’s focus, it added, was on countering “perceived threats” within Canada.

Such allegations aren’t new. In August 2018, then Pakistan consul-general in Toronto Imran Siddiqui was caught on tape threatening a Canadian journalist. Referring to Tahir Aslam Gora, the head of the multi-cultural TAG TV network, the diplomat purportedly says such journalists will have to cooperate “if they want to survive”.

A one point of the conversation, which takes place in Urdu and English, Siddiqui refers to Gora and says: “We are working on a treatment.” He uses the Urdu word ‘ilaaj’ or treatment to refer to dealing with Gora and says this is not being done overtly.

Referring to journalists perceived to be anti-Pakistan, Siddiqui is heard saying: “Journalists have freedom, they can say whatever they want…We too have the freedom to do whatever we need to.”

He adds, “There is a treatment and it is being done…the treatment is being done slowly as the thing has spread.”

Responding at the time, Howard Anglin, who was deputy chief of staff to Canada’s former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, had said Justin Trudeau’s government “should have the guts to expel the diplomats involved, as the other governments have done when Pakistani diplomats crossed legal/diplomatic lines”.

That allusion, a source who was involved in the process, said was to a serving Pakistan consul-general in Toronto being asked by Ottawa to leave the country during Harper’s tenure for allegedly “meddling” in Canada’s internal affairs. That diplomat was not named and he was not expelled or declared persona non grata but told to exit Canada at the earliest.


The Public Inquiry included India within its ambit in January. It “requested that the Government of Canada’s collection and production of document” should include “include information and documents relating to alleged interference by India related to the 2019 and 2021 elections”.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Anirudh Bhattacharyya

Anirudh Bhattacharya is a Toronto-based commentator on North American issues, and an author. He has also worked as a journalist in New Delhi and New York spanning print, television and digital media. He tweets as @anirudhb.


HAITI; A PAN  CANADIAN COLONY
Canada widens airlift from Haiti to include permanent residents, relatives

Canada successfully completes operation to assist over 150 citizens in departing Haiti for Dominican Republic, Foreign Ministry says

 2/04/2024 Tuesday
AA


Canada on Monday announced expanding of its emergency program to get vulnerable citizens out of Haiti amidst ongoing volatility.

Commencing as early as Wednesday, pending favorable security and weather conditions, Canada is set to expand its assisted departure efforts from Port-au-Prince, according to a statement by Global Affairs Canada.

This extension will encompass Canadian citizens, permanent residents, and their immediate eligible family members who wish to depart from Haiti.

Under these operations, individuals will be transported from Port-au-Prince to a secondary safe location and subsequently flown to Montreal via a chartered plane.

"Canada's assisted departure operation from Haiti to the Dominican Republic is now complete and successfully assisted 153 Canadians to leave Haiti," added the statement.

According to Global Affairs, about 500 Canadian citizens, permanent residents and immediate family members reached out to Ottawa in recent weeks seeking for help to leave Haiti.

Haiti has been under siege internally since mid-2021 when gangs took over infrastructure and violent upheaval saw battles for turf. Medical help has evaporated and starvation looms as food supplies are almost non-existent.

A rampage by gangs March 18 targeted previously peaceful upscale neighborhoods in the country's capital. At least a dozen people were killed.

Thousands have been killed in the conflict while hundreds of thousands have fled the country.

Gangs have burned police stations, stormed the airport and freed about 4,000 inmates from the two largest prisons.

The US began airlifting Americans out of Haiti by helicopter last week.

Meanwhile, a transitional presidential council that is to choose a new leader to replace Ariel Henry is also in turmoil, with Caribbean leaders meeting with officials from the US, Canada, and France to decide how to put the council in place.
Violence flares again in Haiti as PM questions promised political solution

Panic descends in Haiti’s capital as police and gangs exchange fire overnight, while political leaders continue to debate the formation of a transition council.

Gang violence threatens to plunge Haiti back into chaos 
[Ralph Tedy Erol/Reuters]

Published On 2 Apr 2024

Violence has flared again in Haiti, with gangs engaging in running gun battles with police, as the effort to push forward with a political solution to the crisis drags on.

Gangs launched an armed attack overnight on Monday, clashing with police in the capital, Port-au-Prince. The violence came as Prime Minister Ariel Henry appeared to question the promised establishment of a transitional council, planned to oversee the instalment of a new government.

Witnesses said gunfire broke out in the area of Champ de Mars, a big public park near the national palace, which is the presidential residence. The renewed violence, following weeks of chaos, ignited panic among residents.

At least five people were reported to have been killed around the city overnight, while scores were trapped for hours in the city centre.

At least four police officers were reported to have been wounded. Local media reports said police were forced to flee an armoured vehicle, which was then set on fire by the gangs.

The violence flared as outgoing Prime Minister Ariel Henry cast doubt upon the promised formation of a broad transitional council.

Racked for decades by poverty, natural disasters, political instability and gang violence, Haiti has had no president since the assassination of Jovenel Moise in 2021 and it has no sitting parliament. Its last election was held in 2016.

It descended into chaos in late February, when the country’s powerful armed gangs launched a campaign of violence, attacking police stations, prisons, and the airport.

More than 1,500 people were killed in the first three months of this year and about 60 were lynched by vigilante groups operating where police presence was lacking, according to a United Nations report.

The gangs demanded that Henry, who took power without being elected following Moise’s death, step down.

Henry, who remains stranded outside Haiti, announced on March 11 that he would do so once a transitional council, which would name a new prime minister, had been established.

However, its formation has been mired in disagreement among political parties and other stakeholders since.

Further raising the stakes, in a statement on Monday, Henry’s office suggested that the council has not yet been formed because Haiti’s constitution does not allow for such a body.

Henry is seeking advice from CARICOM, the Caribbean regional body overseeing this urgent transition process, the statement said.

Mexican citizens board a helicopter while being evacuated from Haiti by the Mexican Navy, in Port-au-Prince on Monday
 [Mexican Foreign Ministry/Handout via Reuters]

In the meantime, as the gang violence continues, Haitians are ensnared in a severe humanitarian crisis with shortages of food, medicine and other basics.

The new US ambassador to Haiti, Dennis Hankins, arrived in the country on Monday, as the United States and other nations continue evacuating their citizens.

Mexico evacuated 34 of its nationals the same day, including seven minors and four diplomatic officials, on board a military ship.


KEEP READING

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA AND NEWS AGENCIES
OpenAI shares preview of new AI voice technology amid rising deepfake concerns

BY JULIA SHAPERO - 04/01/24 


The OpenAI logo is seen on a mobile phone in front of a computer screen displaying output from ChatGPT, March 21, 2023, in Boston. A barrage of high-profile lawsuits in a New York federal court, including one by the New York Times, will test the future of ChatGPT and other artificial intelligence products.
 (AP Photo/Michael Dwyer, File)


ChatGPT maker OpenAI shared a preview of a new artificial intelligence (AI) tool Friday that can generate “natural-sounding speech” and mimic human voices.

The tool, called Voice Engine, requires only “a single 15-second audio sample to generate natural-sounding speech that closely resembles the original speaker,” OpenAI said in a blog post.

The AI startup highlighted that Voice Engine can provide reading assistance, translate content and offer a voice to those who are nonverbal or suffer from a speech condition. However, OpenAI acknowledged that the tool could bring “serious risks, which are especially top of mind in an election year.”

The company first developed Voice Engine in late 2022 and began privately testing it with a “small group of trusted partners” late last year.

OpenAI emphasized that these partners have agreed to its usage policies, which require explicit and informed consent from the original speaker and prohibit the impersonation of individuals without their consent.

The partners also must disclose that the voices are AI-generated, and any audio generated by Voice Engine features watermarking to help trace its origin, the company noted.

OpenAI said it believes the widespread deployment of any such tool should feature voice authentication to “verify that the original speaker is knowingly adding their voice to the service,” as well as a “no-go voice list” to prevent the creation of voices similar to prominent figures.

The company also recommended that institutions phase out the use of voice-based authentication to access bank accounts and other sensitive information.

And it still appeared somewhat uncertain about whether it would ultimately release the tool more widely.

“We hope to start a dialogue on the responsible deployment of synthetic voices, and how society can adapt to these new capabilities,” OpenAI said in the blog post. “Based on these conversations and the results of these small scale tests, we will make a more informed decision about whether and how to deploy this technology at scale.”

The new voice technology comes amid growing concerns about the potential for AI-generated deepfakes to spread election-related misinformation.

Earlier this year, a message imitating President Biden went out to voters in New Hampshire ahead of the January primary election, urging them not to head to the polls.

Steve Kramer, a veteran Democratic operative, later admitted to creating the fake robocalls and said he did so to draw attention to the dangers of AI in politics.

A local Arizona newsletter similarly released an AI-generated deepfake video of Republican Senate candidate Kari Lake last month in order to warn readers “just how good this technology is getting.”
DARPA

Symposium on Military AI and the Law of Armed Conflict: Front- and Back-End Accountability for Military AI


02.04.24

[Rebecca Crootof is a Professor of Law at the University of Richmond School of Law and the inaugural ELSI Visiting Scholar at DARPA. The author is not authorized to speak on behalf of DARPA and has written this purely in her personal capacity.]

Want to get a sense of what’s coming with regard to AI-enabled military systems? Allow me to share some what I’ve learned about DARPA’s research programs—and how DARPA is expanding its efforts to identify and address the ethical, legal, and societal implications of new military technologies from the earliest stage of development.

The mission of the U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is “to make pivotal investments in breakthrough technologies for national security.” It has a strong track record of doing so, having developed prototype stealth technology, miniaturized GPS devices, the micro-electro-mechanical systems which are now used in everything from air bags to video games, the technology that allows for voice-based interaction with handheld devices, and the digital protocols that enabled the Internet. It arguably has “the longest-standing, most consistent track record of radical invention in history,” in part because it focuses on “DARPA hard” (*cough**mindbogglingly implausible**cough*) research, like growing plants that sense national security threats (Advanced Plant Technologies (APT)), enabling scalable quantum computers (Optimization with Noisy Intermediate-Scale Quantum (ONISQ)), and exploring space-based biomanufacturing methods to convert astronaut waste into useful materials (Biomanufacturing: Survival, Utility, and Reliability beyond Earth (B-SURE)).

As relevant to this symposium, DARPA is at the forefront of U.S. military AI research and development. To address AI’s general inability to extrapolate from one scenario to another, the Science of Artificial Intelligence and Learning for Open-world Novelty (SAIL-ON) program is dedicated to creating systems that can identify and adapt to novel inputs. To foster machine learning progress, the Real Time Machine Learning (RTML) program is designing chips with the computing power needed for future advances. To minimize human overtrust of generated text, the Friction for Accountability in Conversational Transactions (FACT) program is exploring when and how to introduce friction into human/AI interactions. To protect vulnerable AI, the Guaranteeing AI Robustness Against Deception (GARD) program is designing adversarial AI defenses.

Simultaneously, some programs are exploring how AI might enable new capabilities, ranging from improving designs for cyber-physical systems (Symbiotic Design), finding and fixing software vulnerabilities (AI Cyber Challenge), and facilitating knowledge curation to improve intelligence analysis and military decisionmaking (Collaborative Knowledge Curation (CKC)). Still more programs straddle the line between improving AI and enabling new capabilities. Air Combat Evolution (ACE) is investigating when and why humans trust AI with vital tasks, such as assisting in a dogfight; In the Moment (ITM) is assessing whether aligning AI to human values increases our willingness to grant them decision-making power. (And, if that wasn’t challenging enough, ITM is evaluating this question in the context of battlefield triage: a complex, time-sensitive situation where even experts disagree about what should be prioritized.)

DARPA’s structure foregrounds how much individual choice can impact technological research and development. Program managers wield enormous discretionary power over what technological breakthroughs are pursued and how new technologies take shape. They determine the problems that significant funds are dedicated to solving, set the metrics for success, select the performers (researchers and developers who endeavor to achieve the set goals), decide which designs advance or are abandoned, and oversee transitions that enable further development with defense, other government, and commercial partners.

In some ways, DARPA might seem an odd place for a scholar whose work is often about increasing international legal accountability regimes, including for harms caused by malicious cyberoperations, autonomous weapon systems, and war more generally. It is neither an international institution nor much concerned with the structures of new legal regimes. And while individuals here exercise immense influence over the development of new military technologies, not one of them is subject to legal liability for these choices (and nor should they be, under any reasonable mens rea or proximate cause analysis). And yet, a few months ago, I began my tenure as DARPA’s inaugural Ethical, Legal, and Societal Implications (ELSI) Visiting Scholar, shifting my focus from conceptualizing back-end accountability mechanisms to affirmatively fostering front-end moral accountability practices.




*****

Every DARPA program proposal must have answers to the Heilmeier Catechism questions, which include, “What are you trying to do?”; “Who cares? If you are successful, what difference will it make?”; and “What are the risks?”

It’s possible to answer these questions narrowly, focused solely on a particular problem. Say, if you’re interested in inventing a magnetohydrodynamic drive – using magnets to silently propel a submarine – you might perceive the risks as being the technological limitations which threaten the ultimate success of your program. Maybe it won’t be possible to generate sufficiently powerful magnetic fields, or maybe the likelihood of corrosion to electrode materials will render any such technology inherently short-lived and ultimately useless.

But one can also think about these Heilmeier questions broadly. Assuming technical success, how far out would the magnetic field project? Would it affect local sea life? Risk detonating mines? Disturb whale song or fish and bird migration patterns? To DARPA’s credit, they have long taken a broader perspective on risks. Before I arrived, the manager of Principles of Undersea Magnetohydrodynamic Pumps (PUMP) had already identified the potential environmental impacts of magnetic fields as a concern and devised a research plan for better understanding their scope and effects.

But in this “Year of ELSI,” as DARPA Director Stefanie Tompkins has termed it, I am charged with devising processes and strategies to make explicit what is already happening implicitly and expanding the ways in which folks think about programs and their impacts. How might design choices made today affect the world, should today’s DARPA projects become just as commonplace as navigation apps, SIRI, and the Internet?

To that end, I and others at DARPA are developing institutional infrastructure to further a culture of ELSI. Program managers will be able to work with advisors with subject matter expertise to consider a range of questions, imagine potential use cases, identify constraints that could limit or mitigate risks, and select metrics and partners that will maximize opportunities. These include:How is the technology intended to be used?
What else might the technology enable?
What training, expertise, or infrastructure is necessary for the technology to be used effectively?
What are the sources of error and malfunction?
What are the vulnerabilities?
How might it be foreseeably misused?
How might it be weaponized?
What are the benefits and risks of creating this technology? Of not creating it?
Are those benefits or risks marginal when compared with practices enabled by current technologies? (And might that answer change, depending on which technology is used as the comparator?)
Who will be affected? Which individuals, populations, or entities will enjoy the benefits? Which will bear the risks?
Which of these ELSI considerations are raised during the program’s lifecycle? If the program is successful, which of these arise in the near-term? In the long-term?
What actions or constraints should be incorporated to address unknowns, to promote beneficial usage and externalities, or to minimize problematic usage and externalities?

One exhilarating aspect of this work is the possibility that taking time to pause and consider these and related questions may highlight considerations or concerns that a purely defense-driven perspective might miss. Identifying unknowns – such as the extent of the environmental impact associated with a magnetohydrodynamic drive – allows one to draft a program plan with requirements for measuring the scope of the resulting magnetic fields and evaluating their effects. Identifying potential negative uses and externalities might scuttle a program – or result in choices and changes that enable achieving a similar goal by other means. And identifying positive alternative uses and externalities might result in choices and changes that maximize them, as discussed further below. My favorite conversations with program managers are those in which they pause and say, “Huh – I hadn’t thought of that . . .”

Nor is this a zero-sum game, where considering these issues comes at the cost of speed or operational performance. Quite the contrary: One of the more surprising outcomes of Urban Reconnaissance through Supervised Autonomy (URSA), which had ongoing meetings with an ELSI working group, was that many of the “ELSI” recommendations – that the system be more explainable, transparent, and have a less biasing and more intuitive user interface – were welcomed by the folks designing the systems as simply good engineering. Based on these suggestions, the performers altered the technological design in ways that resulted in the operator having more information and options than they would have had otherwise, allowing for it to be used in a way that minimized the risk of certain accidents and more accurately reflected the operator’s intent.

Identifying concerns can even spur entirely new programs and research areas. Augmented Reality (AR) devices might help pilots and troops identify and avoid restricted targets, but they also introduce vulnerabilities that adversaries might exploit, ranging from inducing operator motion sickness to data corruption (such as data poisoning) that could increase the risk of accidental targeting. In anticipation of the proliferation of military AR applications, Intrinsic Cognitive Security (ICS) is exploring how to build protections into the design of AR devices before there’s a stabilized design and accompanying ecosystem of insecure and dangerous products. Imagine the problems (and problems) (and problems) we might have sidestepped if the insecure Internet of Things had been subject to a similar set of baseline requirements.

Even more broadly, some DARPA programs have focused on norm-building within a research and development community. Safe Genes sought to produce methods and technologies to counter the misuse of genome editors. In light of the obvious ethical issues associated with gene editing, it brought together various stakeholders to draft a Code of Ethics for Gene Drive Research. More recently, DARPA has launched the Autonomy Standards and Ideals with Military Operational Values (ASIMOV) program, which aims to develop quantitative benchmarks for measuring and evaluating the ability of autonomous systems to perform ethically within various military scenarios. If successful, it would dispel some of the confusion that arises when technologists, policymakers, civil society advocates, and others concerned about autonomous weapon systems talk past each other. A shared understanding of what it means for a system to be, say, “Traceable Readiness Level 5” would be invaluable in designing systems to minimize risk, in enabling interoperability with allies’ systems, and in making progress towards crafting detailed and effective regulations for weapons with varying autonomous capabilities.

*****

One daunting aspect of this work is that, as the great philosopher Yogi Berra observed, “It’s tough to make predictions, especially about the future.” I imagine being at DARPA (then ARPA) in 1969, attempting to brainstorm the possible implications of the network protocols they were constructing and which are foundational to internet communications today. It might have been possible to foresee email and file sharing – but social media? E-commerce? Online entertainment? Telemedicine? Botnets? Changed expectations of surveillance and privacy? Please.

I am also well aware of what the road to hell is paved with, and I am hardly a techno-utopian. (Rather, my general perspective has been kindly referred to as that of a “skeptical, progress-hating monster.”) No matter how much time and resources are poured into anticipating issues, humans have a remarkable ability to figure out how to use devices in unanticipatable ways. And, ultimately, while technology might mitigate or exacerbate societal issues, it generally cannot solve them.

But I do believe that some harms may be minimized through a responsible approach to research and development – yes, even weapons research and development – that encourages everyone involved to consider the impact of and feel morally accountable for their choices, regardless of whether they are ever at risk of legal liability.

*****

All that being said, I stand by my earlier legal accountability arguments. No matter how much good faith work is done on the front end, accidents will still occur. And in warfare, accidents are often destructive and lethal, with devastating consequences for warfighters and civilians. Presumably, warfighters understand and knowingly undertake the risk of such harms. Civilians do not.

New AI military technologies may increase both accidental and incidental – and therefore lawful – civilian harm. This raises an accountability problem. Absent willful action, no human can (or should) be held criminally liable. And, to the extent no international humanitarian rules are violated, no state can be held responsible for an internationally wrongful act. In response, some have proposed stretching the law of superior/command responsibility to criminalize negligence by commanders, procurers, and others involved in the design and deployment of AI-enabled weapon systems, but this is a misguided and insufficient response. (Misguided because it threatens to further delegitimize international criminal law, insufficient because it would still not address all unintended civilian harms.)

When civilians suffer the horrific consequences of armed conflict, they deserve redress. But neither international criminal law nor state responsibility provides any form of remedy when civilian harm is accidental or incidental to otherwise lawful action. And even in cases where individuals are held criminally liable or states are deemed responsible, there is no guarantee that individual civilians will be compensated for their individual harms.

To address the actual accountability gap at the heart of international humanitarian law, we need to establish an effective mechanism for compensating harmed civiliansall harmed civilians.

*****

It is impossible to anticipate all potential consequences of a technological breakthrough ahead of time. And after-the-fact legal accountability is inherently inadequate – even in the most robust and efficient legal regimes, anyone would far prefer to have prevented a harm in the first place than to be eventually compensated for it.

A comprehensive governance structure for military AI requires developing both front-end moral accountability practices and back-end legal accountability mechanisms. This will entail intentionally incorporating strategies and processes for identifying and minimizing sources of unnecessary harm at the earliest technological design stages and creating routes to redress for civilians who unfairly suffer the harms of war.

RUSSIAN SPACE ROBOT SENT TO ISS 






 

Quiet intrusion: Chinese drone ‘roams’ Japanese Izumo warship deck

“There is a small scandal in Japan,” you’d discover in a post on X [previously known as Twitter]. Accompanying this post is a startling video clip, courtesy of a civilian drone camera, as claimed by the Clash Report account. Witness the drone gliding, seemingly without constraints, at a snail’s pace, and barely above the deck of the Japanese helicopter carrier, JS Izumo DDH183, belonging to the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force. This video came to public attention on March 30, while the ship was docked at Yokosuka, as the linked tweet indicates. 


One might find it quite challenging to ascertain the authenticity of this video. There are obstacles in determining whether we’re viewing an actual recorded scene or an intricately crafted 3D graphic. But, from the very beginning of the reel, you could spot cars traversing a bridge to the right, each at their own pace. Notably, the Japanese flag is fluttering as expected – there’s no glitch in the frames, no signs of artifice, and so on. The sea waves aren’t still either, indicating a dynamic scene. Despite these indicators, a nagging sense of doubt continues to linger… 

This uncertainty arises from the disquieting realization of how a drone was permitted such unrestricted access over a military vessel. Just as the Twitter post raises the alarm, this is more than scandalous. The confusion is mirrored in the comments beneath the post as well, with many users expressing their bemusement. Regardless of the operator’s nationality – whether Chinese or Japanese or even a tourist – the situation is baffling. How did it happen that one of Japan’s most recent attack and deterrent weapon systems was so openly exposed to the lens?

AI?

I’ve got a hunch that may be right on target. As we delve deeper, we uncover the possibility that this might be a spurious hoax, presumably orchestrated by artificial intelligence technology. A senior official from the Japanese defense ministry has been mentioned in various Japanese publications as suggesting the video might be a hoax. 

Central to this conjecture is the innocuous digit “8” marked on the deck in the video’s opening frame. The Japanese official infers that this should have been altered to read “83”. The video was circulated on YouTube, but its credibility remains clouded in suspicion, particularly when the creators of the video themselves question, “Could this be a fabrication by AI?” in the title. Furthermore, reports from Japan imply that the number on the Izumo was partially obscured during refurbishment. 

Quiet intrusion: Chinese drone 'roams' Japanese Izumo warship deck
Photo credit: YouTube

Here’s another odd observation. Do you remember the cars speeding on the bridge? It strikes me as odd how the cars traveling in one direction [closer to the viewer] either move at a crawl or remain stationary, while a few cars in the opposite lane overtake them at high speed. It seems unnatural for the cars to continue moving at a snail’s pace despite the sizable gap between them. 

Then there’s this – the immobile buildings visible in the right-hand view as the drone descends, preparing to glide over the deck. There’s absolutely no movement – no people, rustling trees, or swaying branches. Everything remains static.

83 

The supposed inscription of “83” on the ship’s hull is the strongest indication that the video in question might be a spurious hoax. To substantiate this suspicion, I combed through the internet to unearth official footage of the mentioned Japanese vessel. 

Interestingly, what emerged from my search were instances where the Izumo was associated with the number “83” or with no digit at all. However, the standalone occurrence of the numeral “8”, as depicted in the video under scrutiny, is conspicuously absent.

JS Izumo


As a pivotal component of Japan’s naval defense setup, the DDH-183, also known as the JS Izumo, is not a vessel to be overlooked. Boasting a total full-load displacement of around 27,000 tons, it can host an impressive range of up to 14 helicopters. This includes the SH-60K anti-submarine warfare variants and other utility models. Its key objectives are far-reaching and versatile, spanning from anti-submarine warfare to disaster relief and humanitarian missions. 

The JS Izumo is a beacon of technological brilliance, armed with the latest surveillance and defense systems. This ensures it can stand its ground in various operational settings. Its sheer size—approximately 248 meters in length, a width of 38 meters, and a draft nearing 7.5 meters—attests to its commanding presence in the marine environment. 

Bayraktar offers folding wing TB3 UAVs to Japanese Izumo destroyer
Photo credit: Wikipedia

Given Japan’s constitutional limitations, the JS Izumo is not heavily armed. However, it is equipped with defensive weaponry such as the Close-In Weapon Systems [CIWS], specifically designed to combat airborne threats. The possibility of transforming it into an aircraft carrier capable of accommodating fixed-wing aircraft like the F-35B is currently under consideration, but the final decision is pending. In a nutshell, the JS Izumo is a testament to Japan’s dedicated focus on maritime security. It also signifies the nation’s evolving role in the regional defense landscape.

***


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As drones change warfare in Africa, civilians pay the price

Neil Munshi, Katarina Höije, Simon Marks, Bloomberg News on Apr 2, 2024
Published in News & Features


The first bomb exploded just a few feet from the local health clinic in a rural Mali village, sending people and animals fleeing. The second hit a nearby shed.

The drone strikes in Amasrakad village on March 16 killed 13 women and children and injured scores of others, according to Amnesty International. Hours later, an army spokesman appeared on state TV to say that it carried out a strike in the area targeting “Islamist fighters.”

The next day, another drone attack on the other side of the continent in Somalia killed more than 20 civilians, highlighting how foreign-made combat drones have changed warfare across Africa — in civil wars in Ethiopia, Sudan and Libya, and against insurgencies in Nigeria, Somalia and the Sahel region. The strikes also underscore how civilians are bearing the brunt of a lack of adequate pilot training and intelligence failures.

Over the past five years, cash-strapped African governments with poorly equipped armies have opted for drones from companies like Turkey’s Baykar and Beijing’s state-owned Aviation Industry Corp. of China — often acquired as part of bilateral security agreements, and far cheaper than traditional fighter jets. At the same time, civilian deaths from drone and air strikes soared in Africa to 1,418 in 2023 from 149 in 2020, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project.

“It’s not about the technology, it’s about how they’re used, and we’re seeing a pattern of them being used in ways they are causing an awful lot of harm to civilians,” said Nathan Allen, associate professor at the US defense department’s Africa Center for Strategic Studies.

That stems from a broader issue facing African nations — in many, civilian deaths are common during military operations, particularly those facing armed insurgencies, because of poorly trained armies or leaders with little regard for human rights.

“The failure to distinguish civilians from military targets has long been a feature of ground operations,” said Corinne Dufka, an independent analyst on the Sahel and former West Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The killing of scores of civilians during drone attacks on crowded markets and funerals, especially in Burkina Faso, suggests the same could be true in the conduct of air ops.”

In a 2022 paper, Allen found that more than a third of African countries had acquired drones. He now believes the vast majority — and possibly every African military — has the technology, whether for surveillance or combat operations. The combat models used by most African governments — which by some estimates cost hundreds of thousands of dollars for an Iranian Shahed, $1-2 million for Wing Loong II drones and up to $6 million for Baykar’s Bayraktar TB2 — are a fraction of the cost of a fighter jet.

Baykar and AVIC didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Burkina Faso has driven the increase in civilian fatalities in recent years together with the war in Sudan, an ongoing fight against Islamist insurgents and criminal bandits in Nigeria, and in Mali, where two-thirds of all drone strikes in 2023 targeted civilians, according to Acled’s Africa regional specialist, Ladd Serwat.

Human Rights Watch has documented three drone strikes since August in Burkina Faso that killed at least 60 civilians in crowded markets. The government has said only terrorists were killed. In December, the Nigerian military took the extraordinary step of apologizing for a drone strike that killed at least 85 people during a religious ceremony.

A former senior intelligence official from an African nation that uses drones said the technology had been helpful in crushing rebellions and insurgencies in some countries, but poor pilot training and intelligence failures have meant battlefield victories have come at great human cost.

“Drones coming to the market and being acquired by governments requires more responsibility and laws to be passed to protect civilians,” while operators need more training, said Abdisalam Guled, former deputy director of Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency. “It’s a new market, industry and type of weapon, but it has to come with more responsibility.”

Part of the reason for the proliferation of drones in Africa — and elsewhere — is Russia’s war with Ukraine, Allen said. “Particularly after the conflicts in Libya, Ethiopia and now Ukraine, which has demonstrated their significance, drone proliferation has skyrocketed,” he said.

In Ethiopia, TB2 drones acquired through a 2021 bilateral agreement with Turkey were decisive in the military’s victory over Tigrayan rebels. In recent months, the government has used its drones to crush rebellions in Oromia and Amhara regions.

Non-state actors are also employing the aircraft. In Nigeria and the Sahel, that often means jihadist groups linked to al-Qaeda or the Islamic State attaching improvised explosive devices to commercially available drones or using them for surveillance.

In Sudan, the Rapid Support Forces militia that’s fighting the army for control of the country is using more sophisticated weaponry: combat drones provided by the United Arab Emirates, according to UN investigators. The UAE denies it’s arming the RSF. Meanwhile, its rival, Sudan’s army, is employing Iranian Mohajer drones.

Mali, where a military junta seized power three years ago, has acquired about a dozen Bayraktar drones since 2022, according to state media and Mali’s defense ministry.

“We have seen in many parts of Africa the growth and proliferation of drones by governments as they seek to keep a hold on power,” said Filsan Andullahi, a former Ethiopian minister who resigned in opposition to the government’s war in Tigray. “We have witnessed the use of drone technology inside communities who are completely unaware of such technology. Government’s are attacking hospitals, schools and market places, which is completely unacceptable.”

____

—With assistance from Firat Kozok, Zheng Wu and Diakaridia Dembele.
30th Commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda (Kwibuka30)

April 07, 2024




30th Commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda (Kwibuka30)

What: The African Union Commission (AUC) through the Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS) of the African Union Commission (AUC), in collaboration with the Embassy of the Republic of Rwanda in Ethiopia and Permanent Mission to the African Union and UNECA, is organizing the 30th Commemoration of the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda (Kwibuka30) under the theme "Remember-Unite-Renew". The event includes a ‘Walk to Remember’ and a high level event.

When: Sunday, 07 April 2024, 9:00 am to 1:00 pm.

Where: At the Headquarters of the AUC, Mandela Hall

Background: During a span of one hundred days, over one million Rwandan citizens lost their precious lives in the Genocide committed against the Tutsi in 1994. Since April 7, 2010, as per the decision of the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the African Union (AU) has been organizing annual commemoration events. The year 2024 signifies the 30th anniversary of those tragic days, a significant moment to honor the deceased, stand in solidarity with survivors, and join together to prevent such atrocities from occurring ever again. Additionally, it presents an opportunity to gain insights into Rwanda's journey of healing, reconciliation and nation-building.

Purpose: The overall purpose of this annual commemoration is to continuously awaken greater awareness of the African peoples and the international community about the value of life and humanity, and to renew our collective commitment to protect and uphold fundamental human rights.

Participation: The 30th Commemoration is expected to be attended by Officials from the AUC, AU Member States, Members of the Diplomatic Corps, AU Organs, RECs, Religious Institutions, Human Rights Institutions, Intergovernmental organizations, Civil Society Organizations, UN Agencies, Think Tanks, International Organizations, Schools and Academic Institutions in Ethiopia as well as the Rwandan Community in Addis Ababa.

For media inquiries:Ms. Limi Mohammed, Web Administrator, in the Political Affairs, Peace and Security Department, African Union Commission Email: shashlm@africa-union.org
Ms. Sandrine Mwiliriza, Communication Officer in the Embassy of the Republic of Rwanda in Ethiopia and Permanent Mission to AU & UNECA Email: smwiliriza@embassy.gov.rw

Information and Communication Directorate, African Union Commission I E-mail: DIC@africa-union.org

Web: www.au.int | Addis Ababa, Ethiopia | Follow Us: Facebook | Twitter | Instagram | YouTube
Excluding election-winning populists merely acts as rocket fuel for their poll ratings: This is what Portugal’s Luis Montenegro is about to learn

Henry Olsen
Comment
2 April 2024

Portuguese Prime Minister-designate Luis Montenegro faced a hard decision after narrowly winning last month’s elections.

Commanding only 80 seats in the 230-member parliament, he could either join forces with the national populist Chega or his party’s traditional foes, the Socialists, to obtain a working majority. His apparent decision to rely on the Socialists will likely come back to haunt him.

Montenegro’s quandary arose due to his party’s inability to capitalise on his nation’s discontent. The Socialists were unpopular because of multiple corruption investigations that arose during their eight years in power. As leader of the largest opposition party, the Social Democrats, Montenegro should have been able to win going away.

Instead, the populist Chega captured the desire for change. Led by the brash and charismatic Andre Ventura, it more than quadrupled its number of seats, rising from 12 to 50.

Montenegro’s Democratic Alliance (AD) – a joint ticket formed with two small Rightist parties – lost vote share from the 2022 election and only gained three seats. The AD almost lost to the Socialists, who managed to win 78 seats even as their vote share collapsed by nearly a third.

Montenegro could have turned to Ventura and formed a stable coalition not dissimilar to that often formed in Scandinavian countries.

But he had campaigned actively against that during the campaign, apparently hoping that excluding a coalition with Chega would force voters who really wanted change to turn to him. That strategy’s abject failure should have convinced him to change course and hope to tame Chega by giving them governing responsibility.

That’s what the Scandinavian centre-Right parties have learnt. Norway’s Conservatives, for example, have effectively made the populist Freedom Party their smaller ally, giving them important cabinet seats and stanching their popular support.

Conservative parties in Denmark, Finland, and now Sweden have all found that treating populist parties as legitimate parts of the national discourse helps stabilise the country while also shifting policy to the right.

That’s not the course Montenegro seems to have chosen. Last week AD and the Socialists cut a deal to elect the parliament’s speaker. Both parties agreed that a conservative would hold the chair for two years, to be followed by a Socialist for the next two years.

That arrangement was, of course, opposed by Ventura, who said Chega would now be mostly an opposition party.

That’s likely to work in Chega’s interest. The Socialists are not in government, but they clearly will use their tacit support to obtain concessions from Montenegro’s minority government. That means that Chega will be the only large party free to criticise the government at will.

It’s not likely that the Socialists will let Montenegro make too many dramatic changes, lest they rue his possible success at charting a different course. That means Ventura can now credibly claim to be the voice of an unhappy people upset at a ruling duopoly.

This type of arrangement is how Giorgia Meloni rose from obscurity to become Italy’s Prime Minister. Her Brothers of Italy party won only a little more than 4 percent in 2018’s parliamentary vote. She nevertheless played the long game, keeping Brothers out of government when the two populist winners, Five Star Movement and Lega, formed a government.

Brothers also stayed out of government when the populist government was replaced by a centre-Left coalition in 2019, and she even kept Brothers out of a 2021 government that contained all other parliamentary parties.

The result was that Italians who wanted real change shifted toward the only party that could plausibly deliver it, Meloni’s Brothers. It easily finished first in 2022’s elections with 26 per cent of the vote and now dominates a cabinet with its once-stronger center-Right competitors.

This is what usually happens with grand coalitions. Germany’s CDU-SPD grand coalition failed to halt populism’s rise there, while the parties in Denmark’s current grand coalition have lost vote share in the polls to other parties to their Left and Right.

Similar establishment-dominated cross-party consensus governments in Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium have also facilitated rather than halted populist parties’ advance.

Montenegro should recognize that a crucial set of Portuguese want real change, not a perpetuation of the status quo. That desire is identical to those expressed across Europe for the past decade and will not be allayed by temporary grand coalitions.

It can only be ameliorated by actually delivering some of the change these voters demand. That, however, is exactly what grand coalitions are intended to prevent.

Perhaps Montenegro will prove more adaptable and wilier than he appears. If not, don’t be surprised if Chega becomes Portugal’s leading centre-Right party in the near future.