Monday, April 22, 2024

ICYMI

Biden signs reauthorization of surveillance program into law despite privacy concerns

By The Associated Press
Published April 20, 2024 

Manuel Balce Cenet AP
President Biden salutes as he boards Air Force One as he leaves Andrews Air Force Base, Md., on his way to his Delaware home on Friday.

April 20, 2024 

WASHINGTON — President Biden on Saturday signed legislation reauthorizing a key U.S. surveillance law after divisions over whether the FBI should be restricted from using the program to search for Americans' data nearly forced the statute to lapse.

Barely missing its midnight deadline, the Senate had approved the bill by a 60-34 vote hours earlier with bipartisan support, extending for two years the program known as Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Biden thanked congressional leaders for their work.

"In the nick of time, we are reauthorizing FISA right before it expires at midnight," Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said when voting on final passage began 15 minutes before the deadline. "All day long, we persisted and we persisted in trying to reach a breakthrough and in the end, we have succeeded."

U.S. officials have said the surveillance tool, first authorized in 2008 and renewed several times since then, is crucial in disrupting terrorist attacks, cyber intrusions, and foreign espionage and has also produced intelligence that the U.S. has relied on for specific operations, such as the 2022 killing of al-Qaida leader Ayman al-Zawahri.

"If you miss a key piece of intelligence, you may miss some event overseas or put troops in harm's way," Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, the top Republican on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said. "You may miss a plot to harm the country here, domestically, or somewhere else. So in this particular case, there's real-life implications."

The proposal would renew the program, which permits the U.S. government to collect without a warrant the communications of non-Americans located outside the country to gather foreign intelligence. The reauthorization faced a long and bumpy road to final passage Friday after months of clashes between privacy advocates and national security hawks pushed consideration of the legislation to the brink of expiration.

Though the spy program was technically set to expire at midnight, the Biden administration had said it expected its authority to collect intelligence to remain operational for at least another year, thanks to an opinion earlier this month from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, which receives surveillance applications.

Still, officials had said that court approval shouldn't be a substitute for congressional authorization, especially since communications companies could cease cooperation with the government if the program is allowed to lapse.

Hours before the law was set to expire, U.S. officials were already scrambling after two major U.S. communication providers said they would stop complying with orders through the surveillance program, according to a person familiar with the matter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private negotiations.

Attorney General Merrick Garland praised the reauthorization and reiterated how "indispensable" the tool is to the Justice Department.

"This reauthorization of Section 702 gives the United States the authority to continue to collect foreign intelligence information about non-U.S. persons located outside the United States, while at the same time codifying important reforms the Justice Department has adopted to ensure the protection of Americans' privacy and civil liberties," Garland said in a statement Saturday.

But despite the Biden administration's urging and classified briefings to senators this week on the crucial role they say the spy program plays in protecting national security, a group of progressive and conservative lawmakers who were agitating for further changes had refused to accept the version of the bill the House sent over last week.

J. Scott Applewhite / AP
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., looks over his notes during a meeting with Ukraine's Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal as Congress moves to advance an emergency foreign aid package for Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan, at the Capitol in Washington, Thursday, April 18, 2024.


The lawmakers had demanded that Schumer, D-N.Y., allow votes on amendments to the legislation that would seek to address what they see as civil liberty loopholes in the bill. In the end, Schumer was able to cut a deal that would allow critics to receive floor votes on their amendments in exchange for speeding up the process for passage.

The six amendments ultimately failed to garner the necessary support on the floor to be included in the final passage.

One of the major changes detractors had proposed centered around restricting the FBI's access to information about Americans through the program. Though the surveillance tool only targets non-Americans in other countries, it also collects communications of Americans when they are in contact with those targeted foreigners. Sen. Dick Durbin, the No. 2 Democrat in the chamber, had been pushing a proposal that would require U.S. officials to get a warrant before accessing American communications.

"If the government wants to spy on my private communications or the private communications of any American, they should be required to get approval from a judge, just as our Founding Fathers intended in writing the Constitution," Durbin said.

In the past year, U.S. officials have revealed a series of abuses and mistakes by FBI analysts in improperly querying the intelligence repository for information about Americans or others in the U.S., including a member of Congress and participants in the racial justice protests of 2020 and the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol.

But members on both the House and Senate intelligence committees as well as the Justice Department warned requiring a warrant would severely handicap officials from quickly responding to imminent national security threats.

"I think that is a risk that we cannot afford to take with the vast array of challenges our nation faces around the world," said Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va. chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org















SURVEILLANCE LAW, SIGNED BY BIDEN STIRRING PRIVACY AND SECURITY DEBATES

Bipartisan support is evident despite concerns about civil liberties.

Amendment for warrant requirements narrowly defeated in House.


President Joe Biden enacted the continuation and amendment of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), up to the addition of two years to American surveillance practice. While true supporters described the legislation as good in the hour of need, there were quite a few challengers to it, even from the group of privacy advocates and some of the politicians who believed it could go against Americans’ basic rights.
New surveillance law, Privacy, and Security Concerns

The bill, Reforming Intelligence and Securing America Act, has received overwhelming support from bipartisan representatives, Sullivan added as a National Security Adviser. It is hoped that it will provide a further constitutional check on the use of Section 702 to prevent national security risks.

Such an inheritance gives rise to all intelligence and law enforcement agencies, such as the NSA, the FBI, and the CIA, being able to examine foreign communications without a warrant, which some suppose could eventually lead to direct surveillance of U.S. citizens. Thus, this raises the concern of privacy and security.

A distinct divide between the two prominent factors of national security and personal privacy rights was well-illustrated by a legislative process. Although the bill drew widely spread backing mainly because it served as a means to fight terrorism and protect national security, opponents claimed that the bill had the possibility of abusing the powers of surveillance activities. The most notable among the critics was Elizabeth Goitein from the Brennan Center for Justice, who found the bill’s nominal reform inadequate for defending civil rights.

Impacts of the Law on Internet Service Providers

The bill passed the House; nonetheless, it generated dispute; an amendment that asked security agencies to obtain a warrant for internet-based surveillance occasionally failed in the House. This move was a visible reflection of the ever-growing challenges that must be overcome to achieve the right balance between the need for safety and privacy.

As the implications of Internet service providers and privacy regulations continue to evolve, the need for robust surveillance policies and rigorous implementation of these safeguards becomes increasingly prominent. Under Section 702 renewal, the U.S. intelligence agencies may also demand providers like Google or Verizon to display internet users’ data for investigative purposes, thus expanding data collection techniques from their national criteria.

This capability raises concerns for consumer rights activists, who fear that the new law would require many internet service providers whose duties are unclear to pivot to government spying.

For this reason, the White House says that this very specific act, the Reforming Intelligence and Securing America Act, has included the smartest and most powerful set of changes concerning oversight, privacy, and civil liberties. These initiatives are designed to balance the rising demand for intelligence with the desire to respect individual privacy rights.

After the law is implemented, discussions on the right balance between national security and privacy will continue, raising several areas of concern like policy, governance, and citizen rights. This continuing dialogue is highly likely to impact the making of laws and, as a result, judicial decisions related to privacy in the United States.

Disclaimer. The information provided is not trading advice. Cryptopolitan.com holds no liability for any investments made based on the information provided on this page. We strongly recommend independent research and/or consultation with a qualified professional before making any investment decision.


Emman Omwanda is a blockchain reporter who dives deep into industry news, on-chain analysis, non-fungible tokens (NFTs), Artificial Intelligence (AI), and more. His expertise lies in cryptocurrency markets, spanning both fundamental and technical analysis.
Doordarshan TV anchor faints live on air while reading heatwave updates in Bengal

ET Online
Updated: Apr 21, 2024,

Synopsis
A Doordarshan anchor, Lopamudra Sinha, fainted while delivering heatwave updates live on air in Kolkata. Sinha attributed her fainting spell to intense heat and a sudden drop in blood pressure. Despite feeling unwell and parched before the broadcast, she rarely keeps a water bottle with her during broadcasts. Sinha's collapse highlighted the ongoing severe heatwave affecting parts of Odisha, Jharkhand, and West Bengal, with temperatures soaring above normal levels. She advised viewers to take precautions amid the scorching heat.


Parts of India are currently grappling with a severe heatwave, with temperatures soaring to 46 degrees celsius in some areas. In a dramatic incident, Lopamudra Sinha, an anchor with the Kolkata branch of Doordarshan, collapsed on live television while delivering updates on the heatwave.

The Fainting Episode

Sinha, who has been in the broadcasting field for 21 years, recounted the moment she felt unwell and parched before the morning broadcast on Thursday. Despite rarely keeping a water bottle with her during broadcasts, she felt the need for water that day. However, due to the lack of visuals and breaks in the broadcast, she couldn't find an opportunity to drink water until the end of the show.
"The teleprompter faded away and I blacked out... I collapsed on my chair," she said in a video shared on her Facebook page.

She stated that she fainted "due to intense heat and because her blood pressure plummeted suddenly". The anchor also said that due to some snag in the cooling system, there was extreme heat inside the studio.

She said she was feeling unwell and parched before the morning broadcast on Thursday. "I never keep a water bottle with me. Be it a fifteen-minute or half an hour broadcast, I have never felt the need to sip water during broadcasts in my 21 years of career. But, I felt parched even as 15 minutes were left for the broadcast to end. When the TV was showing visuals and not my face, I pointed to the floor manager and asked for a bottle of water," she said in Bangla.


The Collapse

While reading a story about the heatwave, Sinha's speech started to slur, indicating that something was wrong. She attempted to complete her presentation, but the teleprompter faded, and she eventually blacked out. Fortunately, this happened during an animation on television, giving her some moments before she collapsed on her chair.

"While reading a heatwave story, my speech started getting slurred. I tried to complete my presentation. The teleprompter faded away and I blacked out. But luckily, it happened while a 30 to 40 seconds animation was playing out on television. During that time, I collapsed on my chair."

Prompt Response

Colleagues rushed to her aid, splashing water on her face and fanning her to help her recover. Sinha expressed gratitude to the producers for managing the broadcast after her fainting spell and apologized to the channel for the mishap.

Heatwave Impact

The incident sheds light on the severe heatwave currently affecting parts of Odisha, Jharkhand, and Gangetic West Bengal. The temperatures in some places are seven to eight degrees above normal, with Midnapore and Bankura in West Bengal recording 44.5 and 44.6 degrees Celsius, respectively. It is crucial to stay hydrated and take precautions to prevent heat-related illnesses during such extreme weather conditions.

Sinha's experience serves as a reminder of the importance of staying hydrated, especially during heatwaves. As the heatwave continues to affect parts of India, it is essential for everyone to take necessary precautions to stay safe and healthy.


Sunday, April 21, 2024

AI-Generated Video of the Mona Lisa Rapping Sparks Strong Reactions From Viewers

A visitor takes a photo of the painting Mona Lisa at the Louvre Museum in Paris, France, 
Gao Jing–Xinhua—Getty Images

BY MALLORY MOENCH
APRIL 21, 2024 

The internet has reacted strongly to an artificial intelligence-generated video of the famous subject of Leonardo Da Vinci’s Mona Lisa painting singing along to a rap that actor Anne Hathaway wrote and performed.

The polarizing clip, which has elicited reactions online ranging from humor to horror, is one of the tricks of Microsoft’s new AI technology called VASA-1. The technology is able to generate lifelike talking faces of virtual characters using a single image and speech audio clip. The AI can make cartoon characters, photographs, and paintings sing or talk, as evidenced in footage Microsoft released as part of research published on April 16.

In the most viral clip, the woman in the Mona Lisa painting sings, her mouth, eyes and face moving, to “Paparazzi,” a rap Hathaway wrote and performed on Conan O’Brien’s talk show in 2011. In another Microsoft clip, an avatar sings, and in others generated from real photos, people speak on common-place topics.

The videos quickly gained traction online: One post on X, formerly Twitter, on April 18 featuring the singing Mona Lisa clip and others had garnered seven million views as of Sunday.




The online reactions were swift, strong and across the board. Some enjoyed the clips, with one commenter posting that the Mona Lisa video had them “rolling on (the) floor laughing.” Others were more wary or even disturbed. “This is wild, freaky, and creepy all at once,” one said. “Another day, another terrifying AI video,” another lamented. “Why does this need to exist? I can’t think of any positives,” one commenter criticized.

Microsoft’s researchers addressed the risks of the new technology and said they have no plans to release an online demo or product “until we are certain that the technology will be used responsibly and in accordance with proper regulations.”

“It is not intended to create content that is used to mislead or deceive,” the researchers wrote. “However, like other related content generation techniques, it could still potentially be misused for impersonating humans. We are opposed to any behavior to create misleading or harmful contents of real persons, and are interested in applying our technique for advancing forgery detection.”

“While acknowledging the possibility of misuse, it's imperative to recognize the substantial positive potential of our technique,” they said. “The benefits—such as enhancing educational equity, improving accessibility for individuals with communication challenges, offering companionship or therapeutic support to those in need, among many others—underscore the importance of our research and other related explorations. We are dedicated to developing AI responsibly, with the goal of advancing human well-being.”

The latest development in AI comes as governments around the world are scrambling to regulate the new technology and legislate against its criminal misuse.

One example is deepfake pornography, where the face of an individual is superimposed onto an explicit picture or video without their consent, an issue that even affected Taylor Swift earlier this year. In the U.S., while 10 states criminalize deepfakes, federal law does not, and multiple bills have been introduced in Congress to rectify this.
HAPPY EARTH DAY







PAKISTAN

Analysis: To build or not to build — the Iran pipeline conundrum


Published April 20, 2024 
THE long-term project, which came to be known as the ‘Peace Pipeline’, has faced significant delays due to geopolitical pressures, sanctions on Iran and financial hurdles within Pakistan.—AFP/file

THE rooftop of Vaqar Zakaria’s home in Islamabad is strewn with photovoltaic panels that he says have lowered his electricity bill to virtually nothing. This is countered by the stark contrast in his rising gas costs. “From a steady Rs800 a month, it has risen to Rs4,000 in the last six months,” he says.

Mr Zakaria, head of environmental consulting firm Hagler Bailley Pakistan, is fortunate to have a gas supply at home. His situation highlights a nationwide energy paradox, where advancements in one sector are negated by crises in another.

“If only Pakistan had imported Iranian gas back in the late 1990s when there were no sanctions,” Mr Zakaria told The Third Pole, recalling a time when prices were far cheaper “at just $2 per million British thermal units (mmBtu)”.

A participant in some of the early discussions, Mr Zakaria remembers strategising over the proposed 2,775km pipeline that promised to link Pakistan’s energy supply directly to Iran’s abundant gas reserves.

Between the threat of US sanctions on one side and possible Iranian penalties on the other, experts question whether the ‘Peace Pipeline’ will be a panacea for the country’s energy crisis

The long-term project, which came to be known as the ‘Peace Pipeline’, has faced significant delays due to geopolitical pressures, sanctions on Iran and financial hurdles within Pakistan.

Iran’s proven natural gas reserves, estimated at 1,203 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) as of December 2021, are second only to Russia.

Ten-year wait


In February this year, the caretaker government decided to dust off the 2009 agreement, approving the construction of the first phase or 80km stretch (of the total 780km pipeline) from the Iranian border to Gwadar.

Meanwhile, Tehran has issued a deadline: finish the pipeline segment by March 2024 or incur financial repercussions amounting to nearly $18bn — a sum that could prompt international arbitration.

“We are very reluctant to take this drastic step,” Hassan Nourain, the consul general of Iran in Karachi, told The Third Pole, adding, “but the gas company of Iran is a national company and belongs to the people of Iran. It invested $1bn years ago. Now, the Iranian parliament is pressuring the government to decide the fate of this project”.

Iran had already fulfilled its part of the agreement by completing 1,100km of pipeline from the South Pars gas fields to the Pakistan border. Then in 2014, it extended the deadline by an additional decade, on Pakistan’s request, he added.

But Islamabad is also feeling the pressure from the US. Last month, Donald Lu, the US assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asia cautioned Pakistan against importing gas from Iran, as it would expose it to US sanctions.

In response, Pakistan’s Foreign Office spokesperson Mumtaz Zahra Baloch made a case for national sovereignty; since the pipeline is being built within Pakistani territory, “we do not believe that at this point there is room for any discussion or waiver from a third party”, she said.

Nonetheless, Thomas Mont­gomery — the acting US mission spokesperson in Pakistan — offered the following words of caution: “We advise anyone considering business deals with Iran to be aware of the potential risk of sanctions.”

The US has been pushing Pakistan to seek green alternatives; through its development agency it has helped add almost 4,000 MW of clean energy to Pakistan’s grid since 2010.

Speaking in a personal capacity, Senator Mushahid Hussain Sayed of the ruling PML-N highlighted the tension between national sovereignty and the US: “We invite its meddling by abdicating our own autonomy for decisions on our core interests.”

Despite the warnings from its longstanding ally, Defence Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif told The Third Pole that the energy infrastructure project would proceed, signalling Pakistan’s intention to assert its autonomy: “We will go ahead with construction of the pipeline,” he said.

Waiver favour

While Pakistan grapples with Iran’s deadline, the land in Gwadar earmarked for construction has yet to be acquired, according to government insiders.

Micheal Kugelman, director of the Wilson Centre’s South Asia Institute in Washington, summarises the predicament: “Pakistan is seemingly caught between the devil and the deep blue sea — build the pipeline and risk being sanctioned, or don’t build it and get slapped with a massive fine.”

Ahmad Irfan Aslam, the former law minister in the caretaker government that greenlighted construction of the 80km section of the pipeline, points out Pakistan’s reliance on the US for “everything from economic bailouts to its security”. He warned any waiver request would necessitate complex negotiations.

“We cannot bear American sanctions. We will present our stance to the US,” Petroleum Minister Musadik Malik told journalists last month. “Iran has been told multiple times that we need their gas.

We want to complete this project but without any sanctions,“ he had said.

Mr Montgomery confirmed Pakistan has yet to present a formal waiver request. With Pakistan in a tight spot, Mr Aslam suggested exploring a deadline extension and seeking a waiver, which “would require support from both Saudi Arabia and the UAE.”

But as tensions mount in the Middle East over the war in Gaza, with new US sanctions against Iran announced on April 18, Mr Kugelman said it was unlikely that the US would grant Pakistan a sanctions waiver to proceed with the project.

Economic feasibility

Pakistan has around 19.5 Tcf of proven gas reserves, sufficient for just 12 more years, based on current annual consumption levels.

“The only advantage to have Iranian gas is if there is a guarantee of firm supply at favourable rates,” said Haneea Isaad, an energy finance specialist at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA).

Although Khawaja Asif said the government was “looking towards raising funds from international banks”, Mr Zakaria warned that securing investment may prove challenging.

“Neither the development finance institutions nor western and Middle Eastern banks will lend for the project in view of US sanctions placed on Iran, which will also make it difficult for Pakistan to pay for the gas received from Iran,” he said.

Pakistan’s best bet may be to build the pipeline with financing from China or some other external source, notes Mr Kugelman.

Among possible funders is Russia. Senator Mushahid Hussain told The Third Pole that, “Russia has offered to fund the initial $160m for the 80km of Pakistan-Iran pipeline.”

Iran, said its consul general, “would be happy to provide technical and engineering support in building the pipeline”.

But Pakistan faces a complex energy transition, marked by growing demand and discussions centred on the immediate challenges of costs, legal action and geopolitical dynamics.

As Islamabad prepares to host Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi on an official three-day visit from April 22, Isaad warns against viewing Iranian gas as a panacea for Pakistan’s energy needs, emphasising it is “another imported

commodity and subject to geopolitical considerations and linked to global oil prices“.

Published in collaboration with The Third Pole at Dialogue Earth. A detailed version of this article can be accessed on their website and Dawn.com

Published in Dawn, April 20th, 2024
Rule by law

Published April 20, 2024 


The writer is a legal adviser for the International Commission of Jurists


IN recent years, the rule of law has become a buzzword in Pakistan’s political discourse, with a multitude of voices expressing support for this ideal.

For example, the election manifestos of all three major political parties — the PPP, PML-N, and PTI — contain claims of their commitment for ‘the rule of law’ and promises to prioritise it in their policies and legislation.

In practice, however, we see ‘the rule of law’ being weaponised and stripped of its fundamental values, taking on whatever meaning that fits the political objectives of those invoking it.

In its reply submitted before the Islamabad High Court earlier this week, for example, the Ministry of Interior defended its arbitrary ban on the social media platform X/Twitter, claiming the ban “upheld the rule of law and principles of democratic governance”.

We also hear government officials claim secret military trials of civilians accused of involvement in the May 9 riots and the conviction and seven-year sentence of Imran Khan and Bushra Bibi in a farcical case involving “fraudulently going through a marriage ceremony” are necessary for establishing “the rule of law” in the country.

‘The rule of law’ is being weaponised, taking on whatever meaning that fits the political objectives of those invoking it.

Earlier, we saw Nawaz Sharif’s political opponents and detractors celebrate his lifetime disqualification from contesting elections after a determination by the Supreme Court that he was no longer ‘sadiq and ameen’ as a victory for ‘the rule of law’.

As these illustrations show, like in other authoritarian states, the rule of law has been distorted to mean ‘rule by law’ in Pakistan. It is used to justify the arbitrary implementation of bad laws without adequate safeguards for the protection of fundamental rights or meeting due process requirements.

The authoritarian reconfiguration of the rule of law as ‘rule by law’ appropriates the language and rhetoric associated with the emancipatory, liberal idea of this concept to consolidate state power, undermine democratic values, victimise political opponents, and impede the fundamental rights of citizens.

Unlike the rule of law, ‘rule by law’ is almost always associated with the use of law as an instrument to serve the ends of those in power. It allows the state to use law to control its citizens, but never allows law to be used by the citizens to hold the state accountable.

It is, therefore, important to understand what ‘the rule of law’ means and identify its core values. Doing so would allow more effective support of the legal and political reforms to advance it and challenge perversions of the rule of law rampant in our political discourse.

Although the concept of the rule of law can be traced back at least to ancient Greece, it has become much more widely discussed in the last three decades, with engagement from jurists, scholars, international organisations, as well as the United Nations.

For the UN, the rule of law is “a principle of governance in which all persons, institutions and entities, public and private, including the State itself, are accountable to laws that are publicly promulgated, equally enforced and independently adjudicated, and which are consistent with international human rights norms and standards. It requires measures to ensure adherence to the principles of supremacy of the law, equality before the law, accountability to the law, fairness in the application of the law, separation of powers, participation in decision-making, legal certainty, avoidance of arbitrariness, and procedural and legal transparency”.

This definition encapsulates at least eight distinct but related principles.

The first principle captures the essence of the rule of law dating back to Aristotle: The rule of law is a “government by laws and not by men”, which means no one is above the law and all persons and institutions, including the state, are accountable to the law.

Second, the law must be publicly promulgated so that people know the consequences of their actions.

Third, the law must be appropriately defined and government discretion sufficiently limited to ensure the law is applied in a non-arbitrary manner. A.V. Dicey, for example, warned against laws that gave people in positions of power “wide, arbitrary, or discretionary powers of constraint”. Vague laws also undermine the rule of law because they leave the door open to selective prosecution and interpretation, based on discriminatory policies of government officials and the personal predilections of judges.

Fourth, the law must be applied equally and without discrimination to all persons in like circumstances.

This fifth principle embodies a substantive rather than a procedural guarantee of the rule of law, and provides that the laws in a society that honours the rule of law must be just and consistent with international human rights norms and standards. This substantive requirement is essential, as it distinguishes a government under the rule of law from a government operating with a rule by law. In a number of authoritarian states, for example, some of the elements of the rule of law are present, but unless the laws are just, society is not governed by the rule of law.

Sixth, legal processes must be sufficiently robust and accessible to ensure the enforcement of such laws and human rights protections.

Seventh, the independence of the judiciary must be guaranteed. This means judicial power must be exercised independently of other branches of the state, and individual judges must adjudicate matters before them impartially.

And eighth, citizens and other members of society must have the right to participate in the enactment and refinement of laws that regulate their behaviour.

These principles — and consequently, ‘the rule of law’ — are largely absent in Pakistan. Instead, the garb of the rule of law is being used to establish its very antithesis — ‘rule by law’.

The writer is a legal adviser for the International Commission of Jurists.
reema.omer@icj.org
X: @reema_omer

Published in Dawn, April 20th, 2024

Politics of self-defence


Sikander Ahmed Shah 
Published April 20, 2024 

ISRAEL’S April 1 attack on Iran’s diplomatic compound in Damascus — which killed senior Iranian military commanders — was a clear and unprecedented violation of international law. It was an armed attack on both Syria and Iran whose sovereignty and territorial integrity were violated under Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. Diplomatic missions and consular premises in particular are inviolable under customary international law, as well as Article 22 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961 and Article 31 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, 1963, both conventions which Israel is party to. Diplomatic missions are considered the sovereign territory of the sending state, and as such, Israel’s armed attack was technically conducted on Iranian soil as much as it was on Syrian territory.

The International Court of Justice has held the inviolability of diplomatic premises in all circumstances, including during international or non-international armed conflict. In the seminal ICJ case ‘Concerning the United States Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Tehran’ (1980), when armed Iranian students stormed and took over the US embassy in Tehran, the ICJ found Iran guilty of violating the law of diplomatic and consular relations and, inter alia, ordered the restoration of the US embassy in Tehran to US possession. More recently, on April 11, Mexico filed a complaint against Ecuador in the ICJ demanding its expulsion from the UN when Ecuadorian police stormed the Mexican embassy without the latter’s consent and arrested former Ecuadorian vice president Jorge Glas, who had been given political asylum by Mexico and was taking refuge in its embassy in Quito.


Under the law of armed conflict Iran, not just for the attack on its diplomatic premises but also for what it describes as “repeated military aggressions”, invoked its inherent right of self-defence codified under Article 51 of the UN Charter to strike Israel with over 300 drones and missiles 13 days after the attack. (A suspected Israeli attack on Isfahan has followed) Article 51 states “[n]othing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the UN Security Council [UNSC] has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security”.

Under customary law, an act of self-defence must be necessary and proportionate. Its necessity must be “instant, overwhelming, leaving no choice of means, and no moment for deliberation” as outlined by US secretary of state Daniel Webster in the 19th-century Caroline incident. However, the definition of what an instant response is, is based on state practice and can extend beyond days or even a few weeks following the triggering attack. For example, following 9/11, the US formally informed the UN it was invoking the right of self-defence when it attacked Afghanistan on Oct 7, 2001, which was considered a timely response by the UNSC.

Iran’s retaliatory strikes were an attempt to not appear weak in the eyes of the Iranian polity.


Virtually all projectiles fired by Iran towards Israel were intercepted by Israel, the US, UK, France, and Jordan, resulting in no fatalities and minimal damage to Israeli military installations. For many, the irony of the West’s failure to intercept a single Israeli missile or drone targeted at Palestine — many of them provided by the West itself — in the face of its demonstrated defensive capabilities was palpable; despite Western rhetoric on championing human rights and international law, it continues to proffer moral and materiel support to Israel in its pogrom against the Palestinians.

Iran claims it informed the US prior to initiating its attack, stating that it would be conducted in a manner to avoid provoking a response from Israel. Following the attack, Iran stated that its armed response was concluded and that it did not seek any further escalation, indicating that the attack was largely symbolic and its objectives were primarily political.

It appears that Iran is catering to its domestic audience; given the internal challenges the regime has been facing, including civil unrest attributed to economic meltdowns and political repression, one can argue that Iran’s retaliatory strikes were an attempt to not appear weak in the eyes of the Iranian polity.

Iran is also focused on regional dominance, with its influence established in Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, and Iraq. Given the inability of the powerful yet fragile autocratic regimes of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and the UAE to meaningfully intercede in the Palestinian genocide or take legal action against Israel, as has been commendably done by South Africa and Ireland against Israel for genocide, and Nicaragua against Germany for complicity in Israel’s genocide at the ICJ, Iran sees an opportunity to exert influence over the populations of these competing Middle Eastern countries, further consolidating its dominance. One silver lining emerging from the affair, however, is that progressive European states such as Spain and Ireland, have since become increasingly active in advocating for the formal recognition of Palestine as a high contracting party at the UN and public support in the US, particularly among young Americans, is shifting towards the Palestinians.

The biggest challenge facing the contemporary ‘rules-based world order’, however, is the abject failure of the UNSC to maintain international peace and security, its primary obligation and responsibility under the UN Charter. To date, no binding Security Council resolution has been issued under Chapter 7 in relation to Israel’s actions towards Palestine, which would come with the sanctions and enforcement powers necessary to prevent Israel from its genocidal campaign against the Palestinians. Should use of force by Israel or Iran be deliberated in the near future at the UNSC, the US, UK, and France would likely continue to veto any Chapter 7 resolutions against Israel as they have done in the past, while Russia and China can be expected to veto similar resolutions against Iran, especially after Israel’s attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus or Iran’s response.

With the proliferation of sophisticated weaponry, including nuclear weapons in Israeli and arguably Iranian hands now, proxy wars in the region are escalating into direct military confrontations between regional states. This trend represents a disquieting shift in the maintenance of global peace and security, and particularly for the people of Palestine, who have a vested right to sovereignty and self-determination.

The writer is former legal adviser to Pakistan’s foreign ministry, and faculty, Lums Law School.

Published in Dawn, April 20th, 2024
PAKISTAN

Faizabad inquiry debate

Muhammad Amir Rana
Published April 21, 2024
The writer is a security analyst.


THE Faizabad sit-in inquiry report is another chapter in the country’s probe commission history. However, it falls disappointingly short of fixing responsibility or uncovering substantial evidence.

Like its predecessors, the report has stirred controversy but has not reached a concrete conclusion. Key figures are now surfacing with ‘new facts’, suggesting that further investigation may be warranted. However, any such endeavour will likely meet the same fate as the report.

One significant critique of the report is its notable failure to address the Supreme Court’s explicit directive concerning the timing of and rationale behind the submission and the withdrawal of review petitions about its judgement.

Specifically, in its ruling on Nov 13, 2023, the Supreme Court anticipated that the inquiry commission would thoroughly investigate the factors contributing to the failure to implement the Faizabad dharna judgement and examine the context surrounding the submission and withdrawal of the review petitions. The report’s failure to adhere to this directive raises concerns about the thoroughness and impartiality of the investigation. The report risks its credibility and effectiveness by neglecting to address such a crucial aspect of the Supreme Court’s instructions.

The recommendations, outlined in the report, as conveyed by the media, lack exclusivity, having been previously suggested and incorporated into policy documents concerning the mitigation of violent extremism and internal security. Emphasising a ‘zero tolerance’ stance towards violent extremism, the report urges the government to reassess its policies and target the underlying causes of this threat. It advocates for enhanced coordination among the law-enforcement agencies, Pemra, and the interior ministry to monitor social media for content that breaches legal standards.

Furthermore, the commission identifies shortcomings in implementing the National Action Plan and proposes reforms within the criminal justice system to bolster the anti-terrorism agencies. In its concluding remarks, the report directs both the federal and provincial governments to actively monitor and prosecute individuals promoting hate, extremism, and terrorism.

The leaked report neglects the imperative for state institutions to abandon the use of religious and extremist groups for political purposes. The rise of the TLP exemplifies this trend, as its popularity is fuelled by emotional rhetoric rooted in radical ideology and its manipulation by state entities for political goals since 2018. Despite losing backing from these institutions in 2024, the TLP managed to amass even more votes, reaching 2.89 million, compared to the 2.2m votes it garnered in 2018. This highlights the urgent need to confront the fusion of extremist factions with political interests. Addressing this issue is crucial to safeguarding the integrity of political processes and preventing further entrenchment of radical ideologies within the political landscape.

There is an urgent need to confront the fusion of extremist factions with political interests.

The TLP’s support base remains steadfast, primarily due to its leadership’s effective utilisation of religious narratives, a practice the state has been unable to curtail. The influence of the leadership of banned groups, including sectarian outfits, has left its imprint on even the official counter-narrative strategy called Paigham-i-Pakistan, in which alterations have been made to appease the TLP leadership.

The TLP has never acknowledged this official narrative, nor has the state effectively employed its counter-narrative in the public sphere. The TLP has capitalised on the state’s inadequate response, refining its tactics and presenting itself as ‘modern’ by including the protection of religious minorities’ rights in its manifesto. However, it remains staunch in its core agenda regarding blasphemy.

Meanwhile, state institutions cannot combat ideology solely through administrative measures; instead, they must permit moderate religious scholarship to emerge in the country, offering a counterbalance to toxic narratives.

In his book The Fallacy of Militant Ideology: Competing Ideologies and Conflict Among Militants, the Muslim World, and the West, author Munir Masood Marath argues that ideology serves as the “centre of gravity” for terrorism and extremism, emphasising the importance of understanding militants’ belief systems to counter these threats effectively. Marath, a police officer, contends that societal and state perceptions of religious narratives are often oversimplified. Religious institutions play a pivotal role in shaping and propagating these narratives, with seminaries influencing students and local clergy (ulema) outside the formal education system, influencing society as a whole. This “informal religious indoctrination” arises from the marginalisation of religious education, leaving the secular population reliant on less qualified imams.

The state still needs to devise a comprehensive strategy to address the challenges of radical groups like the TLP effectively. State institutions believe they can manage extremism through engagement and disengagement tactics. However, genuine innovation arises only when academic campuses are granted the freedom to explore ideas, with the state as a guardian of this freedom. Otherwise, groups promoting exclusivity find favour with state institutions.

It is worth noting that sometimes these groups become overly confident and challenge the state’s authority or undermine its interests, as the TLP has done, making it tough to maintain smooth relations with the Western world.

The state institutions must acknowledge that despite the existence of 40,000 seminaries, 500 public and private religious institutions, and a vast network of religious groups and parties, Pakistan still needs to cultivate scholarly minds comparable to those found elsewhere.

Without addressing this deficiency, the state will continue to bow to radical groups, as in 2021 when the TLP took to the streets to pressure the government to expel the French ambassador. Despite efforts by police and paramilitary forces, they struggled to control the fanatical elements. Under pressure from the TLP, the government opted to remove several TLP leaders, including Saad Rizvi, from a terrorism watch list and rescinded the group’s proscribed status.

The sit-in commission report has brought attention to these compromises without holding anyone accountable, exonerating almost everyone involved in the 2017 sit-in. Consequently, this report has once again thrust the TLP into mainstream discussions as it seeks to garner attention in the mainstream media.

The writer is a security analyst.

Published in Dawn, April 21st, 2024
SMOKERS’ CORNER: PERNICIOUS POLARISATION


Nadeem F. Paracha 
Published April 21, 2024 
Illustration by Abro


Currently, one of the most frequently used words in political discourses is the term ‘polarisation’. Recent studies demonstrate that a majority of countries have been suffering deep political polarisation. But political polarisation is nothing new.

A 2021 study published by Sweden’s V-Dem Institute explored the degrees of political polarisation in 202 countries. The study had to go as far back as 1950 to fully determine the roots of the current status of political polarisation in various countries.

According to the study, in the last 70 years, many countries have faced waves of severe political polarisation. Many such waves emerged and then receded. However, in countries where polarisation continued to simmer, it gradually mutated to become ‘pernicious polarisation.’

Pernicious polarisation is one of the most chronic forms of polarisation. It is often the outcome of unaddressed political and social tensions in a society. These can lead to polarisation, which is largely manageable but, if not properly managed, it can then become pernicious.

In the 2019 book Democracies Divided, Thomas Carothers and Andrew O’Donohue mention the following countries that are currently facing pernicious polarisation: United States, India, Turkey, Venezuela, Egypt, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Poland and Kenya.

The V-Dem Institute study too mentions these but also includes Argentina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Ecuador, Colombia, Georgia and Mexico. According to another study by the V-Dem Institute, ‘toxic polarisation’ is now present in 32 countries, compared to just five in 2011.

In countries like Pakistan, where political polarisation continues to simmer and is not addressed, it can gradually mutate to become ‘pernicious polarisation.’ Can it ever be reduced?

When various distinct political and social cleavages merge into becoming two consolidated blocs, the focus on addressing cleavages individually and according to merit dissolves, because the blocs become like tribes that begin to identify with the political and social identity of their bloc. Each bloc is made up of various economic, racial, ethnic, religious and sectarian groups, but they become strictly tied to the ‘ideology’ of their bloc.

The ‘ideology’ in this context is not really a set of any proper economic, social and political programmes as such. It is more of a belief in which one bloc thinks it is righteous, compared to the other bloc that is viewed as being unrighteous. This belief continues to harden and generate increasing mistrust and animosity between the blocs.

The space for dialogue and discourse between the two continues to shrink. Society gets split in the middle between two sets of beliefs, with no desire for any kind of reconciliation. Both want the complete elimination of the ‘other’. It doesn’t matter if this is achieved through an election, a dictatorship, or a ‘hybrid’ system. It also doesn’t matter if, in this context, stark exhibitions of contradictions also come into play.

For example, in Pakistan, which has been facing pernicious polarisation as well, if one bloc begins to support the renewal of economic ties with India, the other bloc starts to accuse it of “betraying the Kashmir cause”.

When the accusing bloc (after believing that the other bloc has been politically weakened) does an about-turn and starts to support ties with India, the bloc that had previously supported this now begins to accuse the other bloc of betraying the Kashmir cause. Achieving any kind of a consensus becomes almost impossible in societies split by pernicious polarisation.

Almost every society has had at least some form of ethnic, religious, racial and sectarian tensions. However, from the 1960s, most of these were somewhat overcome with varying degrees of success. Political tensions and differences were largely viewed as being ‘natural’ and capable of being resolved through pluralism and nationalism. But pernicious polarisation cuts deeper. It can also seep into purely social settings.



According to a 2020 report published by the Institute of Family Studies, marriages between supporters of the two major parties in the US have been rapidly decreasing. Today, a Democratic Party supporter is far less likely to tie the knot with a supporter of the Republican Party, and vice versa.

In Pakistan, there have been incidents in which young men and women who support the bloc driven by the narratives of Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and Khan’s cult of personality have stopped talking to their parents and colleagues who they see as being part of the other bloc. The other bloc is mainly a coalition of supporters of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), and of some smaller anti-PTI groups.

The other bloc is quite vocal about calling the Khan-led bloc a ‘cult’ that should be ‘deprogrammed’ because the people in it are ‘brainwashed’ and, thus, a threat to both the state and society. The space for any meaningful dialogue between the two has been shrinking due to a mutual lack of trust.

However, one can posit that the pro-Khan bloc has led the way in strengthening pernicious polarisation in Pakistan — so much so that, in 2023, Khan warned that no one would marry the children of men and women who supported his opponents.

However, the good news is that, according to the V-Dem study, just 20 percent of the countries in the grip of pernicious polarisation have failed to decrease the levels of this strand of polarisation. The study notes that countries that succeeded in bringing down the levels of pernicious polarisation had to go through at least one of the following ‘major systemic shocks’: a foreign intervention, an independence struggle, violent conflict, or regime change (primarily in a democratising direction).

An all-out war with one of its neighbours may see the intensity of pernicious polarisation decrease in Pakistan. But a regime change in April 2022, although achieved through constitutional means, actually increased the severity of the polarisation. Those studying political polarisation also explore the role of the mainstream and social media in this.

In Pakistan, both forms of media have facilitated the increase in the levels of polarisation by taking the side of one bloc or the other. One set of media personnel see themselves as ‘defenders of democracy’ that wish to oust the military from politics, while the other set are claiming that it is safeguarding the country from ‘cultish’ political antagonists who have ‘invaded’ important state institutions.

So what’s the solution? The aforementioned jolts mentioned in the V-Dem study are not the only way pernicious polarisation can be addressed. In Pakistan’s context, other, less alarming, jolts can work as well.

The speedy recovery of the economy, for example, can decrease the intensity of polarisation here. Polarisation in the country started to become increasingly pernicious when the economy began to go into a swift decline from 2018 onwards. It is still struggling.

Published in Dawn, EOS, April 21st, 2024
‘Adopt or miss train’: Artificial Intelligence’s relentless rise gives journalists tough choices

AFP 
April 21, 2024 


PERUGIA: The rise of artificial intelligence has forced an increasing number of journalists to grapple with the ethical and editorial challenges posed by the rapidly expanding technology.

AI’s role in assisting newsrooms or transforming them completely was among the questions raised at the International Journalism Festival in the Italian city of Perugia that closes on Sunday.

What will happen to jobs?


AI tools imitating human intelligence are widely used in newsrooms around the world to transcribe sound files, summarise texts and translate.

In early 2023, Germany’s Axel Springer group announced it was cutting jobs at the Bild and Die Welt newspapers, saying AI could now “replace” some of its journalists.

Generative AI — capable of producing text and images following a simple request in everyday language — has been opening new frontiers as well as raising concerns for a year and a half.

One issue is that voices and faces can now be cloned to produce a podcast or present news on television. Last year, Filipino website Rappler created a brand aimed at young audiences by converting its long articles into comics, graphics and even videos.

Media professionals agree that their trade must now focus on tasks offering the greatest “added value”.

“You’re the one who is doing the real stuff” and “the tools that we produce will be an assistant to you,” Google News general manager Shailesh Prakash told the festival in Perugia.

The costs of generative AI have plummeted since ChatGPT burst onto the scene in late 2022, with the tool designed by US start-up OpenAI now accessible to smaller newsrooms.

Colombian investigative outlet Cuestion Publica has harnessed engineers to develop a tool that can delve into its archives and find relevant background information in the event of breaking news.

But many media organisations are not making their own language models, which are at the core of AI interfaces, said University of Amsterdam professor Natali Helberger.

The disinformation threat

According to one estimate last year by Everypixel Journal, AI has created as many images in one year as photography in 150 years.

That has raised serious questions about how news can be fished out of the tidal wave of content, including deepfakes.

Media and tech organisations are teaming up to tackle the threat, notably through the Coalition for Content Provenance and Authenticity, which seeks to set common standards.

From Wild West to regulation


Media rights watchdog Reporters Without Borders, which has expanded its media rights brief to defending trustworthy news, launched the Paris Charter on AI and journalism late last year.

“One of the things I really liked about the Paris Charter was the emphasis on transparency,” said Anya Schiffrin, a lecturer on global media, innovation and human rights at Columbia University in the United States.

AI editorial guidelines are updated every three months at India’s Quintillion Media, said its boss Ritu Kapur. None of the organisation’s articles can be written by AI and the images it generates cannot represent real life.

Resist or collaborate?


AI models feed off data, but their thirst for the vital commodity has raised hackles among providers. In December, the New York Times sued OpenAI and its main investor Microsoft for violation of copyright.

In contrast, other media organisations have struck deals with OpenAI: Axel Springer, US news agency AP, French daily Le Monde and Spanish group Prisa Media, whose titles include El Pais and AS newspapers.

With resources tight in the media industry, collaborating with the new technology is tempting, explained Emily Bell, a professor at Columbia University’s journalism school. She senses a growing external pressure to “Get on board, don’t miss the train”

Published in Dawn, April 21st, 2024