Friday, June 26, 2026

 

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

Introduction

Never before in human history has a small minority wielded this degree of control over the lives of the majority with such speed and such silence. No armies march in the streets. No laws are proclaimed in parliaments. There are algorithms operating in the shadows, shaping your consciousness, your work, your opportunities, and your future. Artificial intelligence is the most powerful tool humanity has ever produced, and the question is not whether it will change the world, for it is already changing it. The question is: in whose interest will it change it.

Since these ideas were first put forward in early 2025, the pace of development in artificial intelligence has accelerated in a striking and unprecedented manner. Major monopoly-driven corporations in the United States, China, and elsewhere have released new models that far surpass their predecessors, now capable of performing tasks once exclusive to humans: medicine, law, programming, creative writing, scientific research, and beyond.

Alongside this technological acceleration, generative artificial intelligence and autonomous intelligent agents have emerged as a qualitatively new development, transforming these systems into independent actors capable of executing chains of decisions without direct human oversight. This relentless acceleration has made it necessary to revisit and develop these ideas further.

The more the capabilities of this technology expand and deepen, the more control over it concentrates in fewer hands, and the wider the gap grows between those who own it and those who are subjected to it. This equation is not an inevitable fate; it is the product of political and economic choices that can be changed. The trade war over chips and artificial intelligence has revealed a plain truth: this technology has become a first-order geopolitical weapon, and the great powers treat it as an instrument of domination and control. Perhaps the clearest evidence of this is the accelerating military deployment of artificial intelligence in identifying human targets, conducting combat operations, and making life-and-death decisions, in flagrant violation of international humanitarian law.

For the first time in human history, it has become genuinely possible to produce what the majority of the population needs with minimal human effort, and to provide goods, services, and knowledge in abundance, without intensive wage labor or traditional bureaucratic structures. Yet these possibilities are constrained and redirected to boost corporate profit, cut wages, and deepen class domination, rather than to liberate human beings from exploitation.

The proliferation of digital applications, widespread automation, and the dismantling of market intermediaries in certain sectors all show that society now possesses tools that could allow for a horizontal, participatory, and community-based reorganization of the economy. Yet this transformation remains shackled by the monopolistic structure that controls technology and directs it toward the maximization of profit.

This is what places on emancipatory and social-justice forces a historical responsibility that cannot be deferred, for they have no choice but to enter the battle over artificial intelligence and technology as a whole with a clear project and genuine capabilities. This is what makes the question of who directs artificial intelligence, and in whose interest, a matter that determines the shape of the world inherited by the sons and daughters of coming generations, and not merely an abstract philosophical question.

The gap between left-wing forces and the empire of digital capitalism today resembles nothing so much as the gap between an ant and a massive elephant: on one side, left-wing and social-justice organizations that largely lack the financial resources, technical infrastructure, and specialized expertise; on the other, monopoly-driven corporate states that possess full control over the digital sphere, data centers spanning continents, and armies of engineers and researchers.

Yet this enormous disparity does not mean the battle is decided in advance. When the ant organizes well and knows where to strike, it is capable of unsettling the elephant and altering the course of the struggle, just as the history of the left itself has proven at more than one decisive turning point. Proceeding from this reality, the battle requires clear policies, tactics, and tangible tools. The following sections set out to sketch the contours of a left-wing vision, addressing the most important fronts of this struggle.

Developing Progressive Artificial Intelligence Systems

First: What Is Possible Now

Developing neutral, democratic, and open-source systems is one of the fundamental approaches available today for countering the dominance of states and corporations over artificial intelligence. These systems must be managed independently and kept as far as possible from the interests of monopoly capital, to ensure they serve the public rather than private power.

Open-source systems give the public and emancipatory forces an opportunity to participate in developing technology in ways that reflect their values. Any individual or group may freely access the source code, understand how it works, and modify or improve it. This approach strengthens collective ownership and innovation, and partially dismantles the grip of monopoly-driven corporations. Openness to public scrutiny also reduces the risks of hidden manipulation and ideological steering, making these systems more trustworthy and independent from narrow corporate interests.

Recent years have seen notable developments in this direction. Open-source communities have proven their capacity to build advanced artificial intelligence models that compete with what market-ruling corporations produce. Recent experiments have also shown that building advanced models does not necessarily require enormous budgets, opening the door to building socially-oriented models with more modest resources.

What is required of global left-wing and social-justice forces is to support open-source artificial intelligence projects, adopt them strategically, and direct them toward emancipatory goals, something that remains largely absent from the official programs of most left parties and movements.

Second: What Is Required in the Long Term

Left-wing and social-justice forces must work, in global coordination, to develop and put forward emancipatory alternatives and transparent applications of artificial intelligence. The goal is to guarantee that technology becomes collective property subject to full public oversight, oriented toward respect for human rights, equality, social justice, and intellectual pluralism.

Rather than remaining the exclusive preserve of wealthy states and large monopoly-driven corporations, artificial intelligence must become a tool for the majority that contributes to solving global and local problems: combating poverty, exploitation, and class inequality; achieving equality and advancing democracy; confronting climate change; and developing more inclusive and equitable educational and health systems. In this way, artificial intelligence is transformed into a global emancipatory project that redefines the relationship between humanity and technology, opening the space for a new model that places technology in the service of people.

Artificial Intelligence in the Service of Manual and Intellectual Workers

Artificial intelligence, if directed in a socialist and social-justice-oriented manner, can be a powerful tool for human liberation and the achievement of social justice. It can analyze complex social problems and offer effective solutions to reduce economic disparities and class injustice. Achieving this goal is not automatic; it requires directing its mechanisms and capabilities toward addressing the roots of poverty, unemployment, lack of basic services, and social discrimination. Advanced data analysis can also monitor social inequalities, enabling the identification of the most deprived communities and the formulation of equitable policies to address structural imbalances in the distribution of wealth and services.

Yet documented studies prove that hiring algorithms developed by large corporate players reproduce the racial and class biases embedded in the historical data on which they were trained. This discrimination does not mean the programmers were consciously racist; it means the logic of exploitation was encoded into the algorithms through data that reflects the reality of societies built on discrimination and class domination. Dismantling this discrimination requires political change and democratic oversight, not merely technical adjustment.

Artificial intelligence can be a powerful tool for supporting labor organizing and trade union struggle. It can help manual and intellectual workers build digitally-enabled unions and solidarity networks, and strengthen their capacity to negotiate with employers and demand their rights. Experiences of tech-powered unions in Latin America and Europe have demonstrated that deploying digital tools to coordinate labor struggle multiplies workers’ capacity for rapid, organized collective action. These tools can also expose the practices of corporations that exploit workers or suppress union organizing, and shed light on the policies of authoritarian regimes that refuse to recognize workers’ right to organize and strike.

Artificial intelligence must be a tool for freeing human beings from routine and exhausting labor, while guaranteeing dignified, stable employment at fair wages. In this model, the labor market is transformed into a more just and open space, where gender, racial, religious, and age discrimination can be eliminated through evaluation systems grounded in competence and skill, freed from the social biases that reproduce existing class structures.

Liberating Science from Monopoly

Rather than becoming a tool that weakens human capacities and produces generations excessively dependent on technology, artificial intelligence can be redirected to become a means of scientific emancipation and creative growth. It should not replace human thinking; what is required is that it expand human capabilities, enable access to advanced knowledge, and free up time from routine tasks.

Emancipatory open-source artificial intelligence systems can be developed to stimulate critical thinking, both scientifically and creatively, by encouraging users to explore knowledge independently through questions that prompt analysis and inference, rather than the passive reception of ready-made answers without scrutiny.

Current developments reveal a glaring contradiction. The systems that have demonstrated a remarkable capacity to accelerate scientific discovery remain the preserve of those who can pay, governed by the logic of corporate profitability rather than the priorities of human need. In practice, diseases that do not generate sufficient profit go untreated, and renewable energy research beneficial to humanity is delayed in favor of research that serves corporate interests. This contradiction makes clear why the question of who owns artificial intelligence cannot be separated from the question of what it discovers.

Digital Cooperatives

Cooperative artificial intelligence projects can be built, drawing on the participation of manual and intellectual workers, engineers, researchers, and social activists, with the aim of harnessing technology in the service of the common good. Participation here must not mean merely the presence of these groups as end-users of technology designed by others. The aim is to involve them from the very outset in defining the problem, setting priorities, and shaping the solution.

Factory workers know from daily experience which tasks drain their physical energy without adding real value. Nurses know which administrative burdens steal their time from patients. Teachers know which bureaucratic procedures prevent them from devoting themselves to genuine education. This accumulated lived knowledge is, in its essence, design knowledge no less important than technical expertise, and ignoring it produces systems that solve phantom problems or serve goals remote from the needs of those they claim to serve. This is evident in the Data Workers Inquiry project, where data workers designed their own algorithms to expose corporate exploitation, and in the Decidim platform, built by citizens and engineers together to manage resources locally.

In the genuine digital cooperative, manual and intellectual workers, trade unions, and local communities are the actual owners of the tool they use, rather than mere subscribers paying fees for access.

Toward Community Sovereignty Over Technology

Transparent and democratic community oversight of technology is essential. To achieve it, digital power must be redistributed so that technology becomes community-owned and deployed in its service, rather than wielded as a corporate instrument. This requires building participatory institutions and platforms that allow the public to examine how algorithms are designed and applied. It also requires establishing elected popular oversight bodies at both the local and international levels, with broad representation encompassing workers, academics, human rights advocates, and technical experts, to ensure fairness and accountability in the development and operation of artificial intelligence systems.

Despite the relative value of European legislation in the field of artificial intelligence, it remains limited in impact because it operates within the same market-ruled logic that produced the problems in the first place, frequently resulting in the legal entrenchment of monopoly domination rather than its genuine dismantling. What people need goes beyond these steps toward genuine community oversight endowed with real authority.

Laws must be enacted and binding guidelines issued that compel developers to embed values of justice and equality at the design stage, with community review imposed on all systems prior to their release. Oversight bodies must be granted genuine powers to review algorithms on an ongoing basis, monitor any embedded biases that could lead to discrimination or exploitation, and retain the capacity to intervene and impose binding regulatory standards.

From the Logic of Profit to the Logic of Need

The reorganization of production and distribution is one of the fundamental pillars of the left’s vision for artificial intelligence. This technology can be used to build systems of democratic collective planning grounded in reliable data and oriented toward social need, allowing resources to be directed efficiently toward meeting the actual requirements of society. These systems rely on careful analysis of demand and consumption, enabling the production of necessary goods and services according to real needs, while avoiding the chronic overproduction that characterizes the capitalist system.

Global supply chain crises in recent years have exposed the fragility of globalized corporate production and its dependence on speculation and monopoly, opening a genuine discussion about the necessity of alternative planning models grounded in reliable, democratically governed information. Artificial intelligence can play a decisive role in restructuring supply chains, reducing waste, directing production toward the most underserved regions, and enhancing environmental sustainability. Intelligent logistics systems can also enable more efficient distribution of goods and services and identify optimal routes for reducing carbon emissions.

Moreover, artificial intelligence can bring about a radical transformation in socially-oriented cooperative production, enabling cooperatives and community enterprises to benefit from intelligent technologies to improve operational efficiency, reduce costs, and ensure equitable distribution of resources among members. Technology can serve as a tool for building a solidarity economy, helping poor communities achieve economic independence through shared production and equitable distribution of available resources, freed from the grip of monopoly capital.

Dismantling Algorithmic Patriarchy

Left-wing and social-justice forces must struggle for the design and development of artificial intelligence systems that uphold gender justice and contribute to achieving full equality. In 2024, a comprehensive academic study testing artificial intelligence systems in resume screening across nine different professions found that these systems favored female names in only 11% of cases compared to male names.

This algorithmic bias is not an isolated technical error. It is a reflection of women’s absence from the design and development process, and an expression of the logic of male dominance encoded into the very structure of the technology industry, where women still constitute less than 15% of artificial intelligence researchers at the world’s leading technology companies. UN Women has described how artificial intelligence systems learn from data saturated with stereotypes, reproducing gender biases and restricting opportunities, particularly in employment, credit, and judicial decisions. UNESCO documented alarming evidence in its 2024 study of the prevalence of regressive male gender stereotypes in generative artificial intelligence.

A graver challenge lies in the endeavors of certain authoritarian states with patriarchal religious systems to build their own artificial intelligence frameworks, with the aim of entrenching male-dominated value systems and consolidating control over women through more sophisticated and harder-to-resist tools.

These systems deliberately encode gender discrimination into their core objectives, from social surveillance to restricting women’s digital presence and imposing behavioral standards derived from conservative religious interpretations. Confronting this requires left-wing, social-justice, and feminist forces to wage struggle on two fronts simultaneously: challenging the algorithmic bias of monopoly-driven corporations on one side, and opposing projects of religious patriarchal automation that seek to convert technology into an instrument for reproducing male power under the cover of national sovereignty and cultural relativism on the other.

Algorithms must be trained using comprehensive and diverse data that fully reflects women’s experiences and roles beyond stereotypes. Governments must be pressured to adopt legislation compelling companies to prioritize gender diversity in their technical teams. Masculine-coded language must be removed from artificial intelligence systems and gender-neutral language developed to help undermine structural discrimination.

Halting the Militarization of Artificial Intelligence

The present reality reveals that the largest investment in artificial intelligence globally is concentrated in the military sector, rather than in healthcare, education, or addressing the climate crisis. Autonomous weapons capable of making the decision to kill without human intervention have become a documented reality. Artificial intelligence is deployed today in identifying human targets and conducting combat operations across many regions of the world, amid an accelerating retreat of human oversight over these fateful decisions. This is not an abstract ethical question; it is fundamentally a class question. Whoever owns these weapons possesses an unprecedented capacity to subjugate populations and suppress resistance.

Every effort must be made to redirect artificial intelligence toward becoming a means of promoting world peace. Left-wing and social-justice movements can lead global initiatives to pressure governments and international institutions to enact strict legislation preventing the development of artificial intelligence for military purposes. Artificial intelligence should equally be employed to document war crimes and human rights violations, contributing to the accountability of authoritarian regimes, states, and corporations that seek to militarize technology and harness it for war. Making the public an active party in the struggle against the militarization of technology means building a global resistance movement capable of pressing for an end to this inhumane use of technology.

Artificial Intelligence Confronting Digital Repression

The present reality indicates that artificial intelligence is being deployed to erode democracy rather than strengthen it, through algorithmic manipulation techniques that feed extremism and deepen political polarization for commercial and political purposes, and through forgery and disinformation tools that have become more sophisticated and harder to detect than at any previous time.

Current developments reveal a disturbing and accelerating expansion in the deployment of these technologies within the repressive apparatus of authoritarian regimes. Facial recognition systems are now used extensively to monitor protests and political gatherings, and the automated analysis of digital content has become a systematic tool for targeting activists, dissidents, and journalists. Amnesty International has documented how certain states have weaponized social media and digital tools to suppress youth protests.

This digital repression takes multiple and increasingly dangerous forms. At one end lies systematic digital demoralization, fed by algorithms designed to spread a sense of powerlessness and the futility of change. Further along comes digital arrest through the restriction and deletion of accounts on spurious grounds. At the extreme end sits digital assassination through the complete erasure of dissidents’ online existence. To this is added voluntary self-censorship, where activists impose restrictions on themselves out of fear of bans or account closures. Human Rights Watch has documented numerous cases in which technologies sold by Western companies were used to track dissidents and facilitate their arrest, making these companies effective partners in human rights violations.

The struggle must therefore be waged for the establishment of strict international and domestic legal frameworks criminalizing the use of artificial intelligence to manipulate public opinion and violate human rights, alongside the formation of global solidarity networks to monitor violations, the boycott and blacklisting of companies that sell surveillance technologies to authoritarian regimes, and the development of data encryption and communications security technologies to protect activists and dissidents.

Artificial Intelligence Confronting Environmental Collapse

There is a profound contradiction that demands frank confrontation. Training large artificial intelligence models consumes enormous quantities of energy and water, and their operations produce quantities of carbon dioxide equivalent to millions of flights annually. Reliable reports have revealed that some major data centers consume enough water to supply entire cities. This means that artificial intelligence in its current corporate form does not help solve the environmental crisis; it deepens it, even as companies claim to be deploying it for sustainability. Any serious emancipatory alternative must place this contradiction at the core of its priorities.

Artificial intelligence must become a contributing mechanism in environmental economic planning, with its analytical capabilities deployed to regulate production according to the actual needs of society. Through socially-oriented models for its management, more efficient use of resources can be achieved, waste reduced, and technological development directed toward transformative environmental solutions, such as improving renewable energy systems and sustainable water management.

The use of artificial intelligence in projects that destroy the environment must be prohibited, and the licensing of any artificial intelligence technology linked to an assessment of its environmental impact, alongside the building of intelligent systems to monitor corporate compliance with environmental standards. This requires developing systems that reduce excessive energy consumption and advance full reliance on renewable energy. Within an emancipatory framework, this technology can be redirected to become an effective instrument for protecting natural resources and building an economy grounded in environmental justice, serving society and the planet together.

In the Physical World and the Digital Realm Simultaneously: Toward an Effective Digital Left and a Militant Left Digital International

Artificial intelligence is a mirror of the society that produces it, accurately reflecting the power relations that control its direction, funding, and priorities. When monopoly-driven corporations, great powers, and even certain authoritarian states are the ones building and financing this technology, they build it according to their own logic: the logic of maximizing profits, deepening class domination and political control, and reproducing exploitation and repression in forms that are more sophisticated and harder to resist. When the military and security sector is the largest investor in artificial intelligence development globally, this is not coincidence; it is an explicit expression of the true priorities of capitalism in its digital phase.

Yet this mirror is not an inevitable fate. Either artificial intelligence continues as an instrument of class domination in the hands of a minority that uses it to control production, distribution, consciousness, and politics, or we make it emancipatory collective property that liberates the majority from the burdens of exploitation. Achieving this is neither easy nor close at hand, given the enormous current imbalance between the forces of the left and the forces of digital capitalism.

What we are speaking of is a long-term, cumulative project requiring vast human, technical, and organizational energies, as well as time, perseverance, and the capacity to endure setbacks and move beyond them. The difficulty of the task, however, does not imply its impossibility. The history of the left is replete with struggles that appeared impossible at their outset and concluded in radical transformations in the balance of power.

The digital left that masters work in the field and excels in deploying digital space simultaneously is the left best positioned to confront a capitalism in its digital phase that masters both and deploys them to reinforce its dominance. At the global level, this means building a left digital international capable of confronting the planetary hegemony of digital capitalism with its own tools and in the language of its era, bringing together left-wing and social-justice forces around the world in a shared project that places technology in the service of the masses, emancipation, justice, and equality.

What has been set forth in these pages is not a romantic dream beyond reach. It is a real political battle unfolding now, and every day that passes without left-wing and social-justice forces engaging it with awareness and organization is a day in which the structures of digital domination become more entrenched and harder to dismantle. Technology has never been neutral, and today it is less neutral than at any previous time. What is built today, however small it may appear, is the seed of the future we want.

To be continued: The Left Digital InternationalEmail

Rezgar Akrawi is a leftist researcher specializing in issues of technology and the left, working in the field of systems development and e-governance.


Google Hiring Philosophers Exposes Critical Governance Gap In The AI Era – Analysis

June 26, 2026 
 Anbound
By Liu Lidan


Key Takeaways

Google DeepMind hiring a philosopher shows AI has evolved beyond technical issues into ethics, values, and societal impact.

It exposes a major governance gap: Tech companies now shape society but lack public legitimacy and oversight.

Philosophers help with internal value alignment, but cannot solve the bigger question of who should set AI rules.

AI is becoming public infrastructure — requiring stronger multi-layered governance beyond corporate ethics teams.



Analysis

Google DeepMind’s establishment of a full-time philosopher position has sparked widespread global discussion. According to public information, Cambridge University scholar Henry Shevlin is set to join the DeepMind team under the official title of “Philosopher”. This is not an isolated case. Anthropic, another AI giant, has long integrated researchers with philosophy backgrounds into its model value-alignment work, the most notable being Amanda Askell, who is responsible for the design of Claude’s value system.

Many view Google’s hiring of a philosopher as a signal of a “renaissance in the humanities”. However, the involvement of philosophers in AI laboratories does not mean that the traditional humanities are once again becoming prominent in the job market. What AI companies truly need is not humanities talent in the general sense, but individuals capable of participating in value judgments, rule design, and the construction of governance frameworks.


On the surface, Google’s hiring of a philosopher appears to address the issue of AI value alignment. Yet, this in itself demonstrates that the development of AI is expanding beyond the scope of mere technical competition, increasingly involving value judgments and social consequences. What truly deserves attention is the public governance gap exposed by this shift.

In the past, tech companies mostly solved problems of technical feasibility, where the main competition lay in algorithms, computing power, and efficiency. However, as large models enter domains such as education, healthcare, finance, law, and public information dissemination, companies are increasingly confronted with value judgments regarding what should or should not be done, behavioral consequences, and the balancing of interests. How to balance freedom of speech with content safety, how to respond to users’ emotional dependence, and to what extent AI should be allowed to influence human behavior are the questions that cannot be answered by increasing computing power or optimizing model parameters.

This is precisely the common background behind Anthropic establishing a persona-alignment team, OpenAI continuously discussing the social impacts of AI, and DeepMind hiring a philosopher. When AI begins to participate in value judgments and social interactions, engineering logic reaches its own boundaries. A model can answer questions, but it cannot define what the right questions are. An algorithm can execute rules, but it cannot determine whether the rules themselves are reasonable.

When technology begins to affect human cognition, behavior, and social relations, the role of the enterprise has actually shifted. Within traditional commercial logic, a company is a market entity with clear boundaries whose primary responsibility is to provide products and services. However, with the development of AI, tech companies are no longer merely providing tools. Instead, they are profoundly influencing the operation of society. From information acquisition to value judgments, and from labor relations to public discussion, companies’ product decisions are producing increasingly evident public consequences. Enterprises have acquired growing social influence, yet they have not received the corresponding public authorization, accountability mechanisms, or governance constraints.

In this sense, the true governance gap at this stage is that the pace of technological expansion far outpaces that of the adjustment within governance systems. This means that market entities are effectively deciding an increasing number of issues with public impact, while existing governance systems have yet to establish corresponding checks and balances.

Recent discussions surrounding AI regulation in the United States serve as a real-world reflection of this governance gap. Although the federal government, state governments, and tech companies are all attempting to participate in AI rulemaking, the general picture remains fragmented. Regulations at the state level continue to multiply, whereas systemic legislation at the federal level progresses slowly.

Nevertheless, technological development does not wait for institutions to complete their designs. While legislative bodies are still debating rules, large model products have already entered the daily lives of hundreds of millions of users. What information users encounter, how they interact with AI, and which content is prioritized are increasingly shaped by product design and algorithmic mechanisms.

In truth, rules are not absent. Rather, they are encoded into products in advance. Technical systems are shaping reality while governance systems are still chasing technology. This reality itself is far more important than whether legislation is moving fast or slow.

This is precisely the deeper issue underlying Google’s hiring of a philosopher. Philosophers are entering labs because companies are beginning to realize that they are facing an increasing number of problems that originally belonged to the realm of public governance.

However, can hiring philosophers fill this governance gap for corporations? The answer is likely not so optimistic.

Philosophers can indeed help companies establish value frameworks. Whether through risk reviews, ethical assessments, or designing the behavioral boundaries of models, they are essentially adding a layer of value constraints to technical systems. As AI integrates more deeply into social life, such constraints are clearly necessary.

Crucially, philosophers address internal corporate value problems, whereas the governance gap itself is a social problem. The former is about making judgments, while the latter concerns who has the right to make the judgments. Though they appear similar on the surface, they actually belong to entirely different levels.

For instance, an AI company could easily hire the world’s finest team of philosophers to co-author a set of value principles and determine how the model should answer questions accordingly. Yet a new question arises: why should this company be the one to decide? Why not society? Why not through a public process?

Hence, the issue is no longer a philosophical one, but one of public governance. It is also no longer a question of value judgment, but of legitimacy.

Philosophers can help companies contemplate what constitutes a reasonable choice, but they cannot answer why the enterprise possesses the right to make such a choice. This also means that while Google’s hiring of a philosopher is a noteworthy signal, it is not a solution to the governance gap.

From a practical standpoint, many of the issues brought about by AI have already exceeded the scope of internal corporate governance. Whether it is content governance, algorithmic influence, employment disruption, or the restructuring of the information order, the subjects impacted are no longer just corporate users, but society as a whole.

For these types of issues, relying solely on internal corporate ethics teams, risk committees, or philosophical advisors makes it difficult to cultivate sufficient governance capacity. The reason is that corporations possess technical capability but lack full public authorization. Meanwhile, governments possess legitimacy but may not keep pace with the speed of technological iteration. Academic institutions, media, and civil society organizations can provide expert opinions and public oversight, but they lack direct enforcement power.

What truly needs to be established in the era of AI is not corporations bearing the responsibility of governance alone, but rather a multi-layered governance structure capable of coordinating technological innovation, market forces, and the public interest.

For tech companies, the most significant shift may be moving from a product logic to an infrastructure logic. In the past, internet enterprises often viewed themselves merely as providers of tools. However, when hundreds of millions of people begin to rely on the same AI system to acquire information, form judgments, and even make decisions, these systems acquire increasingly obvious characteristics of public infrastructure.

As corporations gradually face the potential public consequences of their product decisions, transparency, explainability, and accountability mechanisms will progressively be integrated into the core agenda of corporate governance structures. At the same time, common rules at the industry level are becoming increasingly vital. Data standards, safety protocols, model evaluation systems, and risk management mechanisms cannot be accomplished by a single enterprise independently. As AI steadily becomes a crucial infrastructure for economic and social operations, the importance of industry governance will continue to rise.

Final analysis conclusion:


The most profound significance of Google hiring a philosopher lies not in a renewed appreciation for the humanities and social sciences, but in the fact that tech companies are beginning to realize that the development of AI has expanded beyond the scope of pure engineering problems. What truly deserves attention is the public governance gap exposed by this shift. Philosophers can help enterprises comprehend problems and formulate value frameworks, but they cannot replace society in rulemaking, nor can they confer public legitimacy upon corporations. The truly scarce resource may no longer be just computing power, algorithms, and capital, but rather the governance capacity to establish coordination mechanisms among technological innovation, market forces, and the public interest.


About Anbound
Anbound Consulting (Anbound) is an independent Think Tank with the headquarter based in Beijing. Established in 1993, Anbound specializes in public policy research, and enjoys a professional reputation in the areas of strategic forecasting, policy solutions and risk analysis. Anbound's research findings are widely recognized and create a deep interest within public media, academics and experts who are also providing consulting service to the State Council of China.
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Peppa Pig backlash as US company Hasbro requires child actors to sign voices over to AI

Peppa Pig backlash as US company Hasbro requires child actors to sign voices over to AI
Copyright Entertainment One / Hasbro

By David Mouriquand
Published on

US entertainment giant Hasbro is reportedly asking child actors on the popular series Peppa Pig to sign over their voices to artificial intelligence under new contract terms. An open letter signed by 1,000 industry professionals condemns the AI contract clause and warns of matters of consent.

American toy conglomerate Hasbro is reportedly embracing the use of AI on the popular British animated children's show Peppa Pig, and concerns have been expressed over one particular contractual stipulation.

The backlash concerns the reported introduction of a new artificial intelligence clause in contracts for child actors. As Deadline reports, this means requiring young performers to sign over the rights to their voices to AI for “commercial assets within their franchise.”

Technically, this clause could give Hasbro the power to clone child actors’ voices to be recreated via AI technology, to be used in perpetuity for promotional and other purposes.

Organized by the Agents of Young Performers Association (AYPA), almost 1,000 industry professionals have signed an open letter condemning the controversial AI terms on an “international children’s franchise.”

The letter does not directly name Peppa Pig or Hasbro. However, sources told Deadline that the letter is in reference to the company’s hugely popular cartoon show.

“Most recently, a major studio who owns the IP for an international children’s franchise producing a long running animated television series has offered contracts to child voice actors insisting that they agree to the use of AI thus allowing them to use the child’s voice in all commercial assets within their franchise,” the letter reads.

“The refusal to remove this clause with an attitude of ‘take it or leave it’ has led us write this letter to make it clear that this will not be accepted and to bring this matter to the attention of the wider industry.”

The letter warns that “where the performer is a child, consent must be treated with the greatest of care” as “children cannot provide fully informed legal consent and a parent or guardian’s approval should never be used as a blanket license to capture, clone, train, or reuse a child’s voice indefinitely.”

It concludes: “Any agreement involving a child’s voice should be fully exempt from all AI usage. No child should have their future professional identity shaped by an AI model created before they were old enough to understand its consequences. We reject all contracts that require child performers to surrender voice rights indefinitely and without limits."

In a statement to Variety, Hasbro confirmed it was aware of the letter and said that the “protection of child performers is core to who Hasbro is.” They added: “As industry standards around AI continue to evolve, we are committed to engaging with this issue in a responsible and transparent manner.”

Concern continues to grow, especially since AI contract clauses in voiceover work are becoming alarmingly common.

As the open letter states, they can allow for the cloning of actor’s voices, the training of AI learning models, and the generation of artificial audio - as well as potentially allow production companies to sell or license a voice actor’s data to third parties without obtaining consent or paying royalties.

Peppa Pig debuted in the UK in 2004 and quickly became an international hit. Hasbro acquired the entire Peppa Pig brand from Entertainment One in 2019 for a reported $3.8 billion.



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The Machine and the Schoolhouse: AI and the US War on Iran

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

In the southern Iranian city of Minab, where the heat rises from the earth in shimmering waves and the reality of imperialism lingers in every port and military installation, a missile struck a school on 28 February 2026. The strike killed 156 people, notably 120 schoolchildren, which the Iranian government immediately called a ‘blatant crime.’ The United Nations called the attack ‘a grave violation of humanitarian law.’ The names of the murdered children have not circulated through the centres of global power with the same force as the names of generals, weapons systems, and technology platforms. The dead Iranians remain largely anonymous to those who debate the future of artificial intelligence (AI), which was used by the United States—as it turns out—on this strike.

The murder of the children has opened a window into one of the central questions of our age: who bears responsibility when a machine enters the chain of violence? What role AI played remains unclear. Press reports indicate that the US military’s Maven Smart System, which incorporates AI tools including Anthropic’s Claude model, was involved in military operations against Iran. Investigators continue to examine whether AI-assisted systems contributed in any way to the targeting process. The available evidence remains incomplete.

What is remarkable is that the leaders of the AI industry are no longer standing outside the machinery of war. They are inside it. When asked about the strike, Anthropic’s CEO Dario Amodei said that he did ‘not know exactly’ how Claude had been used in this strike, which he described as ‘mistakes’ that are ‘really, really terrible.’ However, Amodei reiterated, the attack on the school was ‘a use case that doesn’t even violate our red lines.’ This was because a human warrior ultimately made the final decision to strike the school. Amodei’s answer deserves careful attention.

For decades, the architects of technological power have developed a language that distributes responsibility so broadly that it dissolves. The engineer builds the tool, the contractor integrates the system, the military analyst reviews the output, the officer authorizes the strike, and the politician approves the war. The result is a chain in which everyone participates, and no one is accountable. The language of ‘human in the loop’ belongs to this tradition. Of course, humans make the final decisions. Humans also made the final decisions during the Western colonial wars that devastated Asia and Africa. Humans made the final decisions when the United States bombed villages in Vietnam. Humans made the final decisions during the illegal US invasion of Iraq. The presence of a human signature at the end of a process does not tell us much about the structure of power that produced the outcome.

The more important question is this: what role does AI play in shaping the field of decisions available to those humans? Modern military systems are not merely calculators. They organize information, prioritize possibilities, identify patterns, generate recommendations, and shape attention. They influence what commanders see and what they do not see. Even when a human retains formal authority, the architecture of perception may already have been constructed by machines. This is why the discussion cannot end with the phrase ‘a human made the final decision.’

The crime in Minab arrives at a moment when technology companies increasingly present themselves as guardians of ethical boundaries. Anthropic, in particular, has cultivated an image of caution (this is evident in the Constitution of Claude). It has spoken about safety, alignment, and limits. It has distinguished itself from more aggressive visions of technological deployment. Yet every institution eventually reveals itself not through its principles but through the situations in which those principles are tested. The deaths of children at a school represent such a test.

If a company cannot determine how its technology was used in a military operation, what does oversight mean? If executives lack visibility into deployment, then claims about safeguards become difficult to evaluate. If a system contributes to military processes whose consequences include mass civilian casualties, can responsibility be confined solely to the final human actor? These are not questions for Anthropic alone. They confront the entire emerging alliance between Silicon Valley and the US national security state. Throughout history, periods of technological transformation have produced new partnerships between capital and military power. Railways, telegraphs, aviation, nuclear physics, and digital networks all followed this path. Artificial intelligence is now walking the same road. Its advocates promise precision, efficiency, and fewer mistakes. Yet every generation hears similar promises.

The twentieth century was filled with claims that new technologies would make war cleaner, more rational, and more humane. The historical record offers little support for such optimism. Technology often expands the scale and speed of violence even as it promises to restrain it. The children of Minab did not encounter AI as a philosophical debate. They encountered it as part of a military system whose consequences arrived in the form of explosive force. Whether Claude played a significant role, a minor role, or no role at all in the targeting process remains to be determined. Investigators must establish the facts, journalists must continue asking difficult questions, and citizens must demand transparency. But even before those facts are fully known, the episode reveals something important about our political moment. The question is no longer whether AI will be integrated into war. That integration is already underway. The question is whether societies will permit decisions about life and death to be increasingly shaped by systems that even their creators struggle to monitor, explain, or control.

The schoolhouse in Minab stands as a warning, not only about a single strike, or a single company, or a single war. It warns of a future in which technological power advances faster than public accountability. And in that future, the distance between the engineer and the battlefield grows ever smaller with AI and drones, even as responsibility becomes harder to find amongst the humans who send the machines out to kill for them.

This article was produced by Globetrotter and No Cold War.Email

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Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power. Tings Chak is the art director and a researcher at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and lead author of the study “Serve the People: The Eradication of Extreme Poverty in China.” She is also a member of Dongsheng, an international collective of researchers interested in Chinese politics and society.


 

Source: Truthout

The left in western democracies has been pretty much in free fall since the onset of neoliberal globalization. This is quite ironic since resistance to capitalism from civil society has actually grown during the same period. This resistance is also reflected in the U.S. political landscape, where the Democratic Socialists of America are surging in support through grassroots efforts in major urban areas. Voters are clearly signaling that they are fed up with the establishment wing of the Democratic Party, whose leaders continue serving, above all else, corporate and financial interests and have displayed immense hypocrisy on foreign policy issues. The stunning results on June 23 in New York’s primaries — which came on the back of advances already made by Democratic Socialists in Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, and in Pennsylvania’s 3rd Congressional District, to mention just a few — speak volumes of the ideological bankruptcy of the Democratic Party in the U.S.

But on the rare occasion that left parties have managed to score national electoral victories, as in the case of Greece in 2015, public disappointment and discontent have soon set in as leaders failed to mount a coordinated attack on neoliberal policies and structures, let alone turn class relations on their head.

In the interview that follows, world-renowned radical economist Costas Lapavitsas addresses the structural roots of the left’s political crisis and explains what needs to be done for the left to become again a viable and meaningful alternative to the capitalist dystopia that has engulfed western societies. He highlights, in particular, the case of the U.K., where Member of Parliament Andy Burnham’s “Manchesterism” aims to become the future of the Labour Party’s economic vision. Burnham just won a decisive victory for Labour in the Makerfield by-election, soundly defeating the far right, and setting up the stage for a Labour leadership showdown. Lapavitsas is a professor of economics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London and a former Syriza Member of Parliament. He is the author and co-author of scores of books, including The Left Case Against the EU, The State of Capitalism: Economy, Society, and Hegemony, and Reindustrialize Britain: A Strategy for Wealth Creation.

C.J. Polychroniou: We live in a world of profound social, political, economic, and ecological challenges. Capitalism is in disarray, the postwar international order is disintegrating, and authoritarian rule is expanding globally. Yet the left is weak and fragmented, experiencing dramatic electoral defeats almost everywhere. What are the structural roots of this crisis, and why has the left failed to build a mass movement in the 21st century?

Costas Lapavitsas: We need to be careful about generalizations here. The left is not the same across the world, and lumping together the Brazilian left, the Indian left, the European left, and the U.S. left produces confusion. Even within Europe there are significant differences. Let me focus on the European left, and within that primarily on Britain and Greece, which are the cases I know best and represent extreme versions of the problem.

It is true that this is a moment of historic weakness, perhaps the deepest since the left first began to emerge as a political force in the 18th century. The narrative about its decline usually focuses on leadership failures and ideological drift. There is something to this, but the deeper problem is structural and intellectual. And the rise of the far right across Europe and beyond feeds directly on the vacuum that a weakened and directionless left has left behind.

The organized working class that built the labor movement, created the welfare state, and gave the left its mass base in the 20th century was a product of industrial capitalism, with manufacturing at its heart. Neoliberalism, beginning in the 1980s, systematically undermined it. Employment was created in service sectors — retail, hospitality, logistics, care work — where bargaining power is weak, turnover is high, and collective organization is extremely difficult. Union density collapsed and collective bargaining coverage shrank. When a steelworks, shipyard or engineering plant closes, a community loses more than jobs. It loses apprenticeship routes, trade-union organization, technical skills, and often the institutions that gave working people collective confidence. The destruction of manufacturing was simultaneously the destruction of the organizational capacity of labor, and ultimately of the left.

The historic task of the left today is not simply to redistribute existing wealth more fairly but to rebuild the conditions under which wealth can be created democratically.

The intellectual dimension is equally important. The European left gradually moved away from the political economy that had historically been its theoretical foundation — from the serious examination of capital-labor relations, investment, profit, and the structural sources of economic power. In a word, away from production. In its place came rights-based politics and anti-austerity politics. Both have genuine moral force, but neither constitutes an anti-capitalist program. What is necessary for that is analysis of the supply side of the economy, radical alternative strategies for investment and ownership, a solid framework for altering the capital-labor relation in favor of workers. Without these, the left can identify injustice with clarity and moral passion but cannot propose a concrete path beyond it.

The historic task of the left today is not simply to redistribute existing wealth more fairly but to rebuild the conditions under which wealth can be created democratically, through productive investment, skilled labor, and institutions capable of directing economic development in the interests of the majority. That requires organized labor rooted in production and armed with serious political economy. Rebuilding the power of the left is impossible otherwise.

In Britain, this broader failure has a specific current expression. In 2024 the Labour Party won with a large majority but has little to say about ownership, reorganizing production, or the capital-labor relation. Disillusionment with the Starmer government is steadily leading to a leadership challenge and a growing debate on what has been called “Manchesterism” or the “Productive State.” Does that represent a genuine break with the neoliberal settlement, or a better-managed version of what we already have?

Starmer’s Labour is a vivid illustration of everything I described in the previous answer. It won on the back of popular exhaustion with the Conservatives, but without a transformative program. Starmer then proceeded to squeeze out the left, including Jeremy Corbyn, who had given voice to youth radicalism in the 2010s. His economic framework rests on the assumption that Britain’s problem is one of distribution and inefficiency, to be corrected by more competent management of the existing settlement. There is no sustained push toward public ownership, strengthening labor against capital, dealing with the productive crisis that has been deepening for four decades. It is managed decline dressed as pragmatism.

A crucial debate is now opening up around Andy Burnham, the mayor of Manchester, who has just been elected to Parliament, and is likely to challenge for the leadership of the Labour Party, replacing Starmer as prime minister. His rise has given a tremendous boost to “Manchesterism,” the policies he has been applying as mayor. The fundamental point is that the neoliberal model for public services has failed on its own terms. Burnham proposes to return them to public control and de-commodify them.

That is a genuine advance on the existing political, economic, and social settlement, and the left should engage with it seriously. But public ownership of services, however necessary, is not the same as confronting Britain’s productive crisis. It stabilizes the cost base without rebuilding the engine of wealth creation. A country cannot live indefinitely by moving money around, selling houses to each other, and providing financial and legal services. At some point it must produce things that its people and the rest of the world want.

A genuine break requires going further and adopting radical measures to restructure the economy in the interests of workers. They should include democratic oversight of the Bank of England, capital controls to prevent speculative finance from vetoing policy decisions, trade regulation, and a large-scale public investment program directed at reconstructing the manufacturing base. Manchesterism has opened the right debate and the left needs to deepen it.

Syriza in Greece rose on the back of a mass movement and then failed to deliver radical change. You were directly involved as a Member of Parliament. What accounts for the capitulation, and what has happened to the left in Greece since?

Capitulation is exactly the right word, and the consequences for the moral and political standing of the left have been devastating. The demonstration that a radical left government, when tested, would fold and implement the very policies it had been elected to oppose did enormous damage to the credibility of the left across Europe.

But understanding why requires going deeper than the act of betrayal itself. Syriza had absorbed the turn away from serious political economy toward rights and anti-austerity politics, and that intellectual weakness proved fatal when it collided with the hard institutional reality of the Eurozone. It profoundly misread the EU and thought that its democratic mandate would be respected and that it could force the lenders to retreat. This holds for both Alexis Tsipras and Yanis Varoufakis, who must share the blame. The EU defended the lenders’ interests, supported by the most powerful section of the Greek ruling class. Syriza had nothing to fall back on — no preparation for default, no framework for exiting the euro, no strategy to reconstruct the productive base of the Greek economy.

The consequences for the Greek left have been devastating. Syriza has imploded, convulsed by internal crises and reduced to a minor party. The broader left has fragmented into multiple small formations, none with significant electoral weight, competing for a diminished radical electorate. The Communist Party retains its organization and discipline but remains sectarian and closed, incapable of leading a broader left renewal. The result is a Greek left that is weak, divided, and largely absent from the central political debate.

What makes this especially striking is that the stabilization program imposed on Greece after 2015 has been an economic failure for most Greeks, entrenching poverty and precarious employment for working people. It is in this context that Tsipras is now attempting a comeback, leading the Greek Left Alliance, a new party revolving entirely around him. There is no return to radical politics, no reckoning with the 2015 surrender, just very mild social democracy — redistribution at the margins, a slightly softer neoliberalism. Capitulation has produced a politics permanently diminished by the original act of surrender, incapable of serious challenge to the structures that produced the crisis in the first place. It is not the answer the situation demands.

Left establishment parties routinely invoke organized labor as the agent of social transformation but treat it in practice as just another electoral constituency to be won over. This seems like a real structural failure, an inability to see labor as a mechanism for reshaping the economy.

It is true that much of the left now thinks of labor primarily as a voting bloc, thereby implicitly accepting the existing structure of production as given and asking only how its proceeds can be more fairly distributed. The classical radical socialist tradition understood something different. Organized labor is the social force whose position at the point of production gives it the potential to challenge how investment decisions are made, how surplus is allocated, how technology is deployed, and in whose interests the productive apparatus operates. Power in the workplace is inseparable from power over production, and power over production is ultimately power over the shape of society.

Much of the left now thinks of labor primarily as a voting bloc, thereby implicitly accepting the existing structure of production as given and asking only how its proceeds can be more fairly distributed.

Rebuilding labor as a social force for anti-capitalist change rather than treating it as merely a political constituency means fighting for public ownership, for sectoral collective bargaining, for workers’ representation in investment decisions, for an industrial strategy that shifts the balance of power in favor of workers at the point of production. None of this is possible without a serious political economy that puts the capital-labor relation back at the center of left politics where it belongs.

There is a real hunger on parts of the left, including in the U.S., for something beyond resistance to austerity, beyond defending rights that are constantly under attack, beyond saying no to whatever the right proposes. The resistance that exists in trade unions, in community organizations, in radical left movements is necessary and should be supported. But resistance without a realistic alternative cannot prevail. People want to know what a transformative left program looks like in concrete terms.

The far right has taken policies historically associated with the left, such as protected industries, managed trade, and economic sovereignty, and made them its own. What does the left do about that? Is anti-capitalism as a political stance, but without a concrete program for production and ownership, sufficient to contest it?

The far right’s appropriation of economic sovereignty is one of the most significant political developments of our time, and the left has largely failed to come to terms with it. Donald Trump, Giorgia Meloni, Marine Le Pen, and others have not simply stolen left rhetoric but also filled a vacuum that the left created by detaching itself from organized labor and abandoning serious political economy. The right moved in with its own answers, which are crude, nationalist, and often demagogic and racist, but answers nonetheless. When people see factories close, wages stagnate, and public services deteriorate, they will demand explanations. If the left does not provide them, others will.

The far right is not genuinely concerned with the interests of working people. Protected industries under far right governments means protected profits for domestic capital, not restructured capital-labor relations. Economic sovereignty under the far right means directing state power in favor of a particular fraction of the ruling class, not challenging the capitalist class structure itself. Managed trade means using tariffs as leverage in inter-capitalist competition, not subordinating trade policy to the needs of labor.

The content of far right economic policies is reactionary, even when the form borrows from the left’s historical vocabulary. The answer clearly is not to match its nationalism or its demagoguery. The radical anti-capitalist left must address the underlying grievances with a program that is genuinely transformative as well as anti-capitalist — one rooted in production, ownership, and the reconstruction of working-class power.

Power in the workplace is inseparable from power over production, and power over production is ultimately power over the shape of society.

Such a program starts with public ownership of strategic industries and utilities (energy, water, transport, communications) — removing them from the logic of financial extraction and subordinating them to social need. It requires capital controls to subordinate financial flows to productive priorities and prevent mobile money capital from vetoing democratic decisions about investment. It means sectoral collective bargaining that rebuilds the power of labor at the point of production rather than merely at the ballot box. It also means a large-scale public investment program directed at rebuilding the productive base that deindustrialization destroyed. And it calls for managed trade in the genuine interests of workers rather than of domestic capital competing against foreign capital.

Above all, however, it means rebuilding the training skills and organizational capacities of labor, erecting the institutions that would give it strength at work and more broadly, and paying it good wages. Without strong, skilled, and well-remunerated labor, there is no sustained wealth creation. That is the foundation for effective anti-capitalism in practice.


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