Wednesday, March 29, 2023

Prince George identified as ‘hydrogen hub’

The City of Prince George received provincial funding to develop a case study to promote hydrogen fuel production.
hydra-energy-hydrogen-plant
A proposed hydrogen production plant and fuelling station in Prince George is seen in a artist's concept drawing. Prince George has been identified by the provincial government as a regional hydrogen hub.

Prince George has been identified by the provincial government as the ideal location for a regional “hydrogen hub” to produce and distribute hydrogen fuel for north-central B.C.

On Monday, city council approved entering into an agreement with the province to develop a case study report, investor resources and support engagement opportunities over the next two years – along with a final summary of lessons learned and recommendations for the future. Under the agreement, the B.C. government provided $150,000 to the city from the BC Hydrogen Strategy Implementation budget.

“We’ll be working to help start and grow the hydrogen sector,” city economic development manager Deklan Corstanje said. “It aligns with our existing economic development strategy already. It’s a new sector, it’s exciting.”

Hydra Energy is already looking to develop a hydrogen production and fuelling station in the city to sell fuel to converted transport trucks. Prince George’s location makes it well suited to deliver fuel to 70 per cent of the province, and nationally and internationally via rail, air and the ports of Prince Rupert and Vancouver, Corstanje added in his report to council.

Under the deal the province provides the funding for the project, while city staff will be responsible for managing it – with help and resources from the Minister of Energy, Mines and Low Carbon Innovation, Energy Decarbonization, he added.

Coun. Cori Ramsay said she was glad to hear in the report that the provincial government would be bringing their expertise to support the project and not just “dropping the money and running.”

“I think this is an incredible opportunity, and anytime we can take the on something like this, it’s great,” Coun. Brian Skakun said.

Endangered Komodo dragons hatch at zoo in Spain


Drakaris, a one-month-old baby Komodo dragon, one of the five Komodo dragons born at Bioparc Fuengirola, rests in a terrarium in Fuengirola, southern Spain, March 28, 2023. (Reuters)

Reuters
Published: 28 March ,2023

Five Komodo dragon hatchlings have been born at a zoo in Spain, the first successful breeding of the world's largest lizard - an endangered species - in the country for a decade.

“This is a great achievement for all of us,” Milagros Robledo, the head of the Herpetology department at the Bioparc Fuengirola zoo in southern Spain and self-described “mother” of the dragons, told Reuters on Tuesday.

Their birth mother, a 13-year-old female named Ora, laid a clutch of 12 eggs in August. Five out of the dozen were selected and artificially incubated over a seven-month period.

“It was a great task, very tedious and time-consuming, but one that has given us a lot of satisfaction,” Robledo said, adding that the hatchlings represented “a hopeful future” for the species.

The hatchlings are lighter than a lemon and shorter than a shoebox, but one day the tiny reptiles could reach a length of nearly 3 meters (10 feet) and weight of up to 70 kilos (150 pounds), with sharp teeth and a venomous bite.

In 2021, these apex predators native to four Indonesian islands were added to the International Union for Conservation of Nature’s “Red List,” as only about 1,500 specimens remain in habitats that face the threat of climate change.

The baby dragons’ parents mated on June 24 last year, when Spaniards celebrate the feast of St John. The first one to hatch was christened Juanito in honor of the date of conception.

Juanito’s siblings include Fenix, so named because the egg survived damage during incubation, and Drakaris, whose name is a reference to George R.R. Martin's popular fantasy series “A Song of Ice and Fire.”

In the wild, newborn Komodo dragons tend to move to the treetops and need no maternal or paternal care, Robledo said. But in captivity, they live in separate terrariums so that vets can monitor their growth until they are reunited before being presented to the public.



1/5  Embum, a one-month-old baby Komodo dragon, one of the five Komodo dragons born at Bioparc Fuengirola, rests in a terrarium in Fuengirola, southern Spain, March 28, 2023. 



[2/5] Drakaris, a one-month-old baby Komodo dragon, one of the five Komodo dragons born at Bioparc Fuengirola, rests in a terrarium in Fuengirola, southern Spain, March 28, 2023. 



[3/5] Juanito, a one-month-old baby Komodo dragon, one of the five Komodo dragons born at Bioparc Fuengirola, rests in a terrarium in Fuengirola, southern Spain, March 28, 2023. 



[4/5] Embum, a one-month-old baby Komodo dragon, one of the five Komodo dragons born at Bioparc Fuengirola, rests in a terrarium in Fuengirola, southern Spain, March 28, 2023. 



[5/5] Fenix, a one-month-old baby Komodo dragon, one of the five Komodo dragons born at Bioparc Fuengirola, rest in a terrarium in Fuengirola, southern Spain, March 28, 2023. 

PHOTOS REUTERS/Jon Nazca

Marsupials and other mammals separately evolved flight many times, and we are finally learning how

Marsupials and other mammals separately evolved flight many times, and we are finally learning how
Credit: Anom Harya/Shutterstock

Shoot for the moon. Even if you miss, you'll land on the next tree. Many groups of mammals seem to have taken this evolutionary advice to heart. According to our newly published paper in Science Advances, unrelated animals may even have used the same blueprints for building their "wings."

While birds are the undisputed champions of the sky, having mastered flight during the Jurassic, mammals have actually evolved flight more often than birds. In fact, as many as seven different groups of mammals living today have taken to the air independently of each other.

These evolutionary experiments happened in animals scattered all across the mammalian family tree—including flying squirrels, marsupial possums and the colugo (cousin of the primates). But they all have something in common. It's a special  structure between their limbs called a patagium, or flight membrane.

The fact these similar structures have arisen so many times (a process called convergent evolution) hints that the genetic underpinnings of patagia might predate flight. Indeed, they could be shared by all mammals, even those living on the ground.

If this is true, studying patagia can help us to better understand the incredible adaptability of mammals. We might also discover previously unknown aspects of human genetics.

A deceptively simple membrane

Despite being seemingly simple skin structures, patagia contain several tissues, including hair, a rich array of touch-sensitive neuronsconnective tissue and even thin sheets of muscle. But in the earliest stages of formation, these membranes are dominated by the two main layers of the skin: the inner dermis and outer epidermis.

Marsupials and other mammals separately evolved flight many times, and we are finally learning how
The patagium in sugar gliders (red arrow) forms after birth when the newborn, or joey, is in
 its marsupial mother’s pouch. Credit: Charles Feigin, Author provided

At first, they hardly differ from neighboring skin. But at some point, the skin on the animal's sides starts to rapidly change, or differentiate. The dermis undergoes a process called condensation, where cells bunch up and the tissue becomes very dense. Meanwhile, the epidermis thickens in a process called hyperplasia.

In some mammals, this differentiation happens when they are still an embryo in the uterus. Incredibly though, in our main model species—the marsupial sugar glider (Petaurus breviceps)—this process begins after birth, while they are in the mother's pouch. This provides us with an incredible window into patagium formation.

Starting with the sugar glider, we examined the behaviors of thousands of genes active during the early development of the patagium, to try and figure out how this chain of events is kicked off.

From gliders to bats

We discovered that levels of a gene called Wnt5a are strongly correlated with the onset of those early skin changes—condensation and hyperplasia. Through a series of experiments involving cultured skin tissues and genetically engineered , we showed that adding extra Wnt5a was all it took to drive both of these early hallmarks of patagium formation.

Interestingly, when we extended our work to bats, we found extremely similar patterns of Wnt5a activity in their developing lateral patagia to that in sugar gliders. This was surprising, since bats () last shared a  with the marsupial sugar glider around 160 million years ago.

Perhaps even more remarkably, we found a nearly identical pattern in the outer ear (or pinna) of lab mice. The pinna is a nearly universal trait among mammals, including innumerable species with no flying ancestry.

Marsupials and other mammals separately evolved flight many times, and we are finally learning how
Sugar gliders are one of several mammals that have independently evolved the ability to
 fly through the air. apiguide/Shutterstock

A molecular toolkit

Together, these results suggest something profound. Wnt5a's role in ushering in the skin changes needed for a patagium likely evolved long before the first  ever took to the air.

Originally, the gene had nothing to do with flight, instead contributing to the development of seemingly unrelated traits. But because of shared ancestry, most living mammals today inherited this Wnt5a-driven program. When species like gliders and bats started on their separate journeys into the air, they did so with a common "molecular toolkit."

Not only that, but this same toolkit is likely present in humans and working in ways we don't fully understand yet.

There are definite limits to our recent work. First, we haven't made a flying mouse. This may sound like a joke, but demonstrates we still don't fully understand how a region of dense, thick skin becomes a thin and wide flight membrane. Many more genes with unknown roles are bound to be involved.

Second, while we've shown a cause-and-effect relationship between Wnt5a and patagium skin differentiation, we don't know precisely how Wnt5a does it. Moving forward, we hope to fill in these gaps by broadening the horizons of our cross-species comparisons and by conducting more in-depth  on patagium formation in sugar gliders.

For now though, our study presents an exciting new view of flight in mammals. We may not be the strongest fliers, but trying is in our DNA.

More information: Charles Y. Feigin et al, Convergent deployment of ancestral functions during the evolution of mammalian flight membranes, Science Advances (2023). DOI: 10.1126/sciadv.ade7511


Journal information: Science Advances 


Provided by The Conversation 


This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.The Conversation

M&A Action Continues In The Canadian Oil Patch With $1.2 Billion Deal

Yesterday we reported about the Energy Transfer LP takeover of midstream operator Lotus energy and the Brookfield Renewable Partners acquisition of Australia’s Origin Energy for $10 billion.

Today, the M&A action continues upstream in Canada where Crescent Point Energy (CPG.TO) has agreed to acquire $1.24 billion ($1.7B CAD) worth of oil and gas assets in Alberta’s Montney formation from Spartan Delta Corp. (SDE.TO).

According to Crescent Point CEO Craig Bryska, the Montney formation is one of Canada’s most attractive oil plays, boasting strong well economics and low breakeven costs. In an interview with Reuters, Bryska said that Crescent Point's new wells would be profitable even if benchmark West Texas Intermediate crude prices would fall to $40 per barrel.

With the deal, Crescent point acquires 600 drilling locations in the Montney region, adding 38,000 barrels of oil equivalent per day (boe/d) to the company's production capacity.

After a bit of a lull in 2022, M&A action is starting to pick up again in early 2023 as Canadian, but also U.S. oil & gas companies are looking to secure long-term producing assets in de-risked formations in a bid to raise production capacity and guarantee sustainable returns to shareholders.

Related: How Herd Mentality Sparked Chaos In Oil Markets

At the end of February, Baytex Energy (BTE.TO) announced its merger with Ranger Oil Corp, securing mostly Tier I acreage in the Eagle Ford, securing another 12-15 years of development without further acquisitions.

But perhaps more interesting was the Whitecap Resources acquisition of XTO Energy Canada last summer for a net purchase price of C$1.7 billion. With the deal which closed at the end of last year, Whitecap Resources acquired around 32,000 bpd of producing assets in the Duvernay and Montney formations in Northwest Alberta containing over 20 years of tier one drilling locations.

Canadian energy expert Gurgen Ayvazyan zoomed in on both the Crescent Point and Whitecap acquisitions and crunched the numbers.


While at first sight, the Crescent Point transaction looks like a sweeter deal for its shareholders in the short run in terms of percentage of liquids and value per flowing barrel, Whitecap’s acquisition may make more sense in the long run if oil prices continue to trade above $70 per barrel WTI.

Following today’s deal, Crescent Point raised its production outlook to 160,000 to 166,000 boepd from the earlier forecast of 138,000 to 142,000 boepd.

At 1:12 PM Central Time, Crescent Point shares traded 0.42% lower on the Toronto Stock Exchange, while Spartan Delta saw its share price rise by 6.6%.

By Tom Kool for Oilprice.com

SASKATCHEWAN
FSIN says that all rare earth elements and critical minerals in the province belong to First Nations.

By paNOW Staff
MINES AND MINERALS
Mar 27, 2023 | 

A statement by the FSIN says that all rare earth elements and critical minerals in the province belong to First Nations.

The statement is a response to what the organization says is a failure by the province to consult with First Nations about an increase in the mineral exploration tax credit, which went from 10 per cent to 30 per cent.

“Our Inherent and Treaty rights guaranteed a century ago, and enshrined in international law, provide us with rights to these minerals,” said FSIN Chief Bobby Cameron.

Saskatchewan has 23 of the 31 critical minerals on the Canadian Critical Minerals List, says the province. The 2023 Budget claims to build on Saskatchewan’s position as a global leader in the exploration and mining of critical minerals.

“Once non-renewable resources are extracted from the ground they are gone forever. Once the wealth has been dispersed and spent, it’s gone. We’d like to work with the province to create a resource revenue sharing agreement to ensure our First Nations people are included in employment opportunities and First Nations companies are considered for contracts,” said Fourth Vice Chief Heather Bear, Lands and Resources Portfolio holder.

The FSIN statement asks for them to be included and asks to share in the revenue that comes from mining the minerals.

panews@pattisonmedia.com

Canada’s McCarthyism

and the spies

stirring a yellow peril scare

Anonymously but very effectively, they’re peddling racist tropes about the loyalty of Canadians of Chinese descent.

Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau speaks with China's President Xi Jinping at the G20 Leaders' Summit in Bali, Indonesia, November 16, 2022. Adam Scotti/Prime Minister's Office/Handout via REUTERS. THIS IMAGE HAS BEEN SUPPLIED BY A THIRD PARTY.

I grew up in a neurotic, faraway island called Australia during the 1960s.

Even as a youngster, I knew, like millions of frightened Australians, that it seemed only a matter of time before a big, bad boogeyman swooped down and overwhelmed the country, turning it from a sun-kissed land of liberty into a dark, sullen place of brutal, Maoist conformity.

Back then, the looming threat was called “the yellow peril” and the creeping boogeyman was China’s Chairman Mao, who school children, like me, were taught had sinister designs to overrun our not-so-far-away island.

The manufactured mania reached an almost paralysing pitch when, in 1967, Australia’s prime minister, Harold Holt, went for a swim in the ocean one bright Sunday afternoon and never came back. The all-hands-on-deck search for the missing prime minister proved futile.

In the absence of a body or the good sense to conclude that Holt had probably drowned, “yellow peril”-fuelled conspiracy theories flourished. Countless unnerved Australians, like me, were conditioned to treat them seriously.

One “theory” that took firm root quickly was that the prime minister had, all along, been a traitor who fled the country in swim trunks before being unmasked. His grateful Chinese handlers had arranged to pick up their prized agent just off the Australian coast via a submarine.

Such was the frenzy’s pervasive power that many Australians believed this nonsense and were sure that the feared invasion by China had begun in earnest.

There was, of course, no invasion and Australia remains, for the most part, a sun-kissed and free island.

I am sharing this trip down irrational memory lane because a jarring echo of the “yellow peril” mayhem has gripped the snow-kissed, neurotic country I have, for decades, called home: Canada.

The déjà-vu-like hysteria has been ginned up by reporters, columnists and politicians who have played willing and eager handmaidens to what amounts to a handful of anonymous so-called “security officials” who populate Canada’s vast, largely unaccountable and crappy “intelligence infrastructure”.

China, the boogeyman du jour, is said to have interfered in at least two recent Canadian federal elections and perhaps one municipal election.

Cue the apoplectic outbursts among columnists and politicians who wail in polite code that the scheming “yellow” hordes have undermined the “integrity” of how Canadians vote and who they vote for.

This, despite the fact that a bashful, “senior” spook – who appears to have a number of reporters and news organisations in their front and back pockets – has acknowledged that China had no impact on the outcome of those elections.

Oh, never mind.

Beyond leaking “top secret” stuff about Canada’s compromised-but-not-compromised elections, the unnamed spooks have accused, by name, sitting and former members of parliament and the Ontario legislature of Chinese descent of being, in effect, fifth columnists working in Beijing’s interest.

To date, none of Canada’s suddenly loquacious spooks has found the mettle or courage to step out of the comfortable shadows to point an accusatory finger at their fellow Canadians whom they have, implicitly or explicitly, branded as Chinese “assets”.

Instead, earlier this month, one of the unidentified “security officials” was provided prime, front-page real estate in The Globe and Mail newspaper to write a flowery, self-serving defence of their decision to launder selective secrets that have triggered the latest wave of “yellow peril” hysteria and questioned the allegiances of elected legislators.

To buttress the credibility of its coveted source, the Globe’s editors have, unsurprisingly, touted the anonymous official as a “whistleblower”.

During my long career as an investigative reporter, I have had the privilege of meeting and writing about brave people who have chosen to expose wrongdoing knowing that the consequences of their truth-telling will be swift, blunt and life-altering.

Unlike the Globe’s sneaky leaker, these whistleblowers have not only attached their names to their allegations but have also been prepared to defend themselves, their motives and their understanding of the truth in public, not behind the convenient curtain of anonymity.

Not so The Globe’s mystery leaker who, in the name of patriotism and duty, has cast doubt on the patriotism and duty of other Canadians who have been forced in the House of Commons to deny tearfully that they have been disloyal to the maple leaf.

One rationale The Globe’s leaker used to remain in the shadows is that they might lose their job, or worse, go to jail, for laundering secrets to friendly journalists.

Reminder to the leaker and the Globe: that’s what bona fide whistleblowers do. Reluctantly, they risk their livelihoods and even their freedom to shine a necessary light on often state-sanctioned negligence, deceit or lawlessness.

The Globe’s leaker is no Daniel Ellsberg – the former military analyst who provided the New York Times with a copy of the Pentagon Papers which revealed all about America’s criminal, imperialist adventure in Vietnam.

Ellsberg faced scores of charges that would have sent him to prison for more than a century. Still, as a man of conscience, he arrived in court, ready to answer the charges that were later dismissed.

The Globe’s leaker is no Edward Snowden – the ex-National Security Agency contractor who shared reams of secrets with reporters at The Washington Post and The Guardian which exposed how a network of electronic spy agencies was breaking the law by eavesdropping on citizens they were meant to protect.

Snowden, and his young family, have found safe refuge in Moscow, far from the retributive clutches of vindictive American authorities who mean to make a stiff and unmistakable example of him.

I wrote a book brimming with secrets. I named corrupt CSIS officers who broke the law. My book, Covert Entry: Spies, Lies and Crimes Inside Canada’s Secret Service, includes details of their illicit modus operandi and photographs of them. I risked going to jail, too. And my name is on the front jacket of my book.

So, it’s time for Canada’s leak-happy spies to come out – come out from wherever you are if you are going to tar other Canadians as seditious tools of Beijing.

While we wait, The Globe’s sneaky leaker wrote, cross their heart and hope to die, that all they wanted to do was to start a “conversation” about “what it is that we expect of our government” and they are shocked that their good-faith effort has caused such “ugliness and division” in the country.

The naiveté and failure to accept responsibility for the McCarthyite-reminiscent madness they have provoked is astounding, isn’t it?

This self-appointed guardian of Canadian democracy lights an ethnic-laced bush fire and feeds it – drip by drip – with gasoline and has the audacity to claim that they never intended for any of the “ugliness or division” to happen.

My goodness, the blindness and hubris.

If you think race and ethnicity don’t play an essential role in the calculation of how Canada’s myopic “intelligence infrastructure” identifies its adversaries, you have not been paying attention.

In 2017, five Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) officers and analysts sued the spy agency for $35m, alleging that it was a cesspool of racism, intolerance and Islamophobia where anti-Muslim slurs and gay-bashing are an institutional norm. The parties settled out of court to save, no doubt, CSIS from having to air its sordid laundry.

If that’s how CSIS treats its own, imagine how it treats “outsiders” – in or outside parliament.

Muslim Canadians have always been considered the suspicious “other” by Canada’s rank, xenophobic spies. These days, they are joined by Chinese Canadians.

It is as shameful as it is predictable.       

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Giant Mine needs hundreds of workers at a time. Staying, uh, where?

CABIN RADIO 
 MARCH 28, 2023

Hundreds of seacans containing highly contaminated material at Giant Mine. Ollie Williams/Cabin Radio

Over the next 15 years, the federal government anticipates needing more than 2,000 full-time workers to remediate Yellowknife’s Giant Mine. Someone has to figure out where they sta


Giant Mine, a former gold mine, closed in the early 2000s and now represents a $4.38-billion headache. Toxic arsenic trioxide beneath the mine must be safely contained, work requiring many years and lots of employees.

Those thousands of workers won’t all come at once. The federally led remediation team estimates 142 to 260 full-time workers will be needed per year depending on the project stage.

In a city with near-zero vacancy, if some or possibly most of those staff end up coming from out of town, where are they all going to stay?

“We are working on it,” said Natalie Plato, deputy director of the remediation project, in a presentation to Yellowknife city councillors earlier this month.

“We don’t have an answer,” Plato added, before focusing on efforts to attract local workers. “The best answer is we don’t have to bring foreign workers in or import people in. That’s our number-one goal to not having a housing crisis.”

The project, which is now ramping up year-on-year after a lengthy preparatory period, has taken steps to incentivize local employment during the procurement process. But there are indications that those measures haven’t been as effective as hoped, falling short of targets for Indigenous and northern employment.

“We’ve always known that there are going to be challenges getting local people to do the work,” said Plato at the same meeting.

If the majority of workers do end up being imports, the federal government says the private contractors employing those people must work out how to house them.

“The Giant Mine Remediation Project does not have a work camp or provisions for accommodations; these are instead the purview of those subcontracted to complete work packages,” Plato wrote in an email to Cabin Radio.

“As individual contractors are not required to report on how they intend to accommodate their workers, the project team is unable to provide specific information.”


Plato did not immediately respond to a request to share any additional steps Ottawa is taking to prevent the project from contributing to Yellowknife’s housing crisis. A 144-page annual report on the remediation’s progress and plans, released last year, makes no mention of housing or accommodation for workers.

An abandoned home at the former Giant Mine townsite. Ollie Williams/Cabin Radio

Rob Warburton is a Yellowknife city councillor who just finished a term on the city’s community advisory board on homelessness. His business, Cloudworks, in part specializes in worker accommodation.

Warburton says several contractors have contacted him looking for accommodation, only to have to back out of projects when nothing was available. He says the delayed completion of the Stanton Legacy project, which is transforming an old hospital into a care facility, is an example.

“There’s literally work not happening on projects in town because of this issue,” Warburton said.

“Passing the buck to contractors doesn’t work, and it will cause delays in your project. It’s just poor project management not to think about where workers are going to stay in a place that has no housing.”

But he doesn’t believe that’s what’s happening here. Warburton is sure the federal government has a plan.

“I have confidence that they are thinking about this,” he said. “It’s just that we haven’t heard about what they’re doing yet.”

Warburton believes this planning will make all the difference to ensure the project improves the quality of life for residents in the short and long term.

“This could be a huge benefit,” he said. “The accommodations, the food service, all that stuff that goes along with workers? It’s an opportunity for us. But there will be a big negative impact if we’re trying to compete with already-scarce housing units for folks who live here already.”

Warburton raised the subject when Plato presented to councillors.

“This is why I asked the question. This is why I’m going to keep pushing to make sure this is front-of-mind for folks, and built into their plan,” he said. “We’re just not big enough for there to be no plan.”

Plato said the remediation project’s subcontractors have successfully secured accommodation for the work that has already begun, but Warburton worries the path forward is less clear.

“Even 100 new people in town makes a huge difference right now,” he said.

Budget 2023 tells corporate Canada to take the wheel on climate action

By Hadrian Mertins-Kirkwood | Opinion | March 28th 2023

While the private sector certainly has a role to play, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland's 2023 budget should not be leaving vital clean-tech investments up to chance. 
File photo by Alex Tétreault

Corporate tax breaks are the future of Canadian climate policy, according to the latest federal budget, which commits $80 billion over the next decade — of which $56 billion is new money — to subsidies for clean investments.

Investments in clean electricity, clean technology, clean manufacturing, hydrogen and carbon capture technologies will all soon be eligible for refundable tax credits of 15 to 40 per cent. The budget also puts more faith in the market to determine climate priorities, including a commitment to shift responsibility for the $15-billion Canada Growth Fund to a “professional, independent investment team.”

In announcing these measures, a senior government official said that by emphasizing tax breaks over public spending, “decision-making remains in the market, where it should be, because that’s where the expertise is.”

That’s a concerning abdication of government leadership at a pivotal moment for climate action.

As the latest IPCC report reminds us, there is “a rapidly closing window of opportunity to secure a livable and sustainable future for all.” Now, more than ever, we need bold public leadership to rapidly decarbonize the Canadian economy.

And while the private sector certainly has a role to play, we should not be leaving vital investments up to chance.

Take the electricity grid. As the Canadian economy electrifies over the coming decades, we will need to double clean electricity generation and triple electricity transmission capacity. The budget correctly notes that Canada’s “economic prosperity depends on significant investments today … [in a] national electrical grid that connects Canadians from coast-to-coast-to-coast,” which, according to research from the David Suzuki Foundation, will cost in the ballpark of $15 billion to $20 billion per year.

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Young people are about to get screwed by the budget — again
By Max Fawcett | Opinion, Politics | March 28th 2023

Yet, the government’s strategy for securing this vital investment amounts to offering a 15 per cent discount on new electricity projects and hoping for the best.

While this government has always used corporate subsidies to varying degrees, Budget 2023 marks a definitive shift in this direction. Compared to the $56 billion in new corporate subsidies, this budget only includes about $4 billion in new direct public spending on climate action.

To be fair, when you add up all the backloaded spending from previous budgets, we estimate the federal government will spend upwards of $14 billion directly on climate action in 2023-24. It’s a far cry from the two per cent of GDP — closer to $50 billion per year — we ought to be spending, but it still reflects a government with its hand on the tiller.

The federal government’s long-term strategy appears to be a reliance on carbon pricing and investment tax credits to drive the clean economy, with only a limited role for public financing, writes @hadrianmk #Budget2023 #FederalBudget #cdnpoli

Moving forward, however, the government’s long-term strategy appears to be a reliance on carbon pricing and investment tax credits to drive the clean economy, with only a limited role for public financing and what one official called “bespoke” public investments in select projects. Public co-ordination is taking a back seat.

And once this previously announced spending winds down in the next few years, corporate Canada will be expected to take the wheel.

This market-based approach may ultimately work for scaling up the clean economy. But even if it does, it will do little to address the country’s largest source of greenhouse gas emissions: oil and gas production. The budget makes scant mention of the sector and, in fact, includes new incentives for blue hydrogen, carbon capture and other technologies that will encourage further oil and gas extraction.

So while $80 billion is a significant and welcome commitment to climate action, there are some serious caveats. Unless and until we get a stronger regulatory approach to phasing out fossil fuels, these kinds of incentives will, at best, only get us halfway there.

Ultimately, to achieve a net-zero economy with the urgency the climate crisis demands, we need a government that is not only willing to spend but also to lead.

Hadrian Mertins-Kirkwood is a senior researcher with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.