Tuesday, July 14, 2026

 

Google gives Swiss Android users fewer search options than their EU counterparts, regulator says

FILE - Swiss and EU flags at an entrance of the new Switzerland Embassy in Minsk, Belarus, Thursday, Feb. 13, 2020. (AP Photo)
Copyright AP Photo

By Una Hajdari
Published on

Swiss Android users no longer get to choose their default search engine when setting up a new phone. Their EU neighbours still do.

Switzerland's competition watchdog has opened a preliminary investigation into Google after the tech giant removed a feature allowing users to choose their default search engine when setting up Android devices in the country.

The Competition Commission, known in Switzerland by its acronym (WEKO), said on Tuesday its secretariat had launched the probe to examine whether the removal of the so-called "Choice Screen" constitutes an unlawful restriction of competition under Swiss cartel law.

"Default settings play a crucial role in digital markets... eliminating this feature could restrict the visibility of search engines that compete with Google during device setup, thereby increasing barriers to market entry," WEKO said in a press release.

The Choice Screen, which appears during the initial setup of a new Android device and prompts users to select a default search engine, was discontinued by Google in Switzerland while remaining available across the European Economic Area.

Why are the rules different in Switzerland?

Switzerland is neither an EU nor an EEA member, and the Digital Markets Act does not apply on Swiss territory.

The search choice screen originated as a remedy in the EU's Android antitrust case: in March 2020, the European Commission and Google agreed it would appear on all new Android devices shipped to the EEA and the UK.

It was later reinforced by the DMA, which requires gatekeepers to show users choice screens and to let them easily change a default they do not want. Google was designated a gatekeeper in September 2023 and expanded its choice screens in March 2024 to comply.

No equivalent Swiss obligation exists and Swiss officials had expected they would not need one.

A 2023 assessment by the government's Interdepartmental Coordination Group on EU Digital Policy concluded that large foreign gatekeepers would apply EU rules in Switzerland anyway, on the grounds that treating the two markets differently would not be financially worthwhile and that Swiss users were therefore likely to benefit from the DMA in practice.

Google's removal of the choice screen tests that assumption directly.

Switzerland does have a platform law in the pipeline. The Federal Council opened a consultation in October 2025 on a Federal Act on Communication Platforms and Search Engines, which closed in February.

But it would not cover this case, since the bill is modelled on the EU's Digital Services Act rather than the DMA and deals with content moderation and transparency rather than default settings. The bill is not expected to reach parliament before late 2026 or early 2027.

The preliminary investigation will seek to determine whether there are grounds to pursue a formal competition case.

 

EU says threats against ICC 'unacceptable' as US launches campaign to 'dismantle' court


By Emma De Ruiter & Gavin Blackburn
Published on

The Trump administration said it would pressure other countries to withdraw from the court, marking a sharp escalation in the US effort to isolate the Hague-based institution.

The European Union slammed threats against the International Criminal Court (ICC) on Tuesday, after Washington vowed a sweeping campaign against the tribunal.

"We are strongly committed to international criminal justice and the fight against impunity. Attacks or threats against the court-elected officials, personnel or those cooperating with the court, are simply not acceptable," EU spokesperson Anouar El Anouni said.

Those comments come after US Secretary of State Marco Rubio launched a sweeping campaign to undermine the ICC that could include further sanctions and other measures.

In a video posted on X and a lengthy op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, Rubio vowed to "dismantle" the court, claiming it posed "an intolerable threat to US sovereignty."

"The ICC and its friends are waging a war against our country, not with bullets or missiles, but with statutes, compacts and the force of so-called international law," Rubio said in the video.


US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on the sidelines of the NATO leaders' summit in Ankara, 7 July, 2026 AP Photo

Rubio added that the ICC "threatens every aspect of our political and legal system," and that it has moved from being a "narrow backstop" charged with prosecuting "only the gravest offenses...when a nation's courts were unable."

The State Department said in a statement that the campaign will "systematically disable the ICC's ability to operate, target American servicemen or officials, or otherwise threaten American sovereignty."

It said the court "claims the authority to prosecute and even imprison American servicemen and officials operating on behalf of America's national interest."

"Americans never signed up for this, and all American presidents since the ICC's ratification have maintained that the ICC does not have jurisdiction over Americans," the department's statement said.

'No diplomatic option off-limits'

It marks a sharp escalation in ongoing US efforts to isolate the Hague-based institution, on which the Trump administration had already imposed sanctions.

The US has previously targeted individual court officials it deems a threat to US interests, but the new "whole of government" campaign will pressure other nations "to withdraw from the ICC and cut off any financial support to the court," according to a State Department official who spoke on condition of anonymity.

"No diplomatic option will be off-limits in the campaign to dismantle the threat posed by the ICC to Americans," the State Department wrote in its statement.

Among the actions the US government plans to take is "increased scrutiny of nations that refuse to reject the ICC’s false authority while relying on US assistance", according to the statement.

It also calls upon "nations that partner with American law enforcement and the US military" to "reject the ICC’s purported authority to prosecute American officials and servicemen".

The announcement immediately drew condemnation from international legal experts. Kenneth Roth, the former executive director of Human Rights Watch wrote on X that the Trump administration wants to "to be able to commit war crimes with impunity even on the territory of governments that have joined the International Criminal Court".

"Rubio is dressing up his quest for impunity for American war crimes abroad under the label of national sovereignty, which ignores the sovereign right of other nations to invoke the ICC for crimes committed on their territory," Roth said.

"He makes it sound like the ICC acts out of the blue anywhere it wants when in fact it acts only against crimes committed on the territory of states that have invited it," he added.

The ICC only has jurisdiction to investigate crimes committed in states that are party to the Rome statute, the 2002 treaty that established the court. The court has never opened investigations into crimes committed on American soil, and the United States has not ratified the treaty.


The Governance Gap Hiding In Plain Sight Across Eight Industries – Analysis

July 14, 2026 
By Burak Oktenli


Key Takeaways:

Governance gap in autonomous AI agents across sectors: Eight industries (water utilities, aviation, road transport, maritime, critical infrastructure, finance, defense, etc.) face the same core problem: systems acting faster than humans can review or reverse, creating an accountability and irreversibility issue.

Existing responses inadequate: Regulating models (e.g., export controls) or relying on internal safeguards fails to address the temporal gap; the fix needs to sit outside the system at the point of action.

Proposed solution: shared governance layer: Implement permission evaluation by independent components, tiered human confirmation based on stakes, and tamper-evident audit records — a common standard that can be adopted across sectors and borders using existing frameworks like NIST and EU rules.

When cybersecurity agencies from the United States and its four closest allies issued their first joint warning about autonomous AI agents in May, the detail that should have unsettled policymakers was not any single risk. It was the pattern. The same failure recurred across every setting the agencies examined: systems that can now take consequential action faster than any human can review, permit, or reverse what they do. The guidance called this an accountability gap and an irreversibility problem. It is more useful to name it directly: a governance gap, hiding in plain sight across at least eight industries at once.

Consider the range of settings across which it appears. In April, security researchers documented what appears to be the first confirmed case of an AI agent autonomously navigating the network boundaries of a municipal water utility to reach live industrial control systems. In aviation and space, single-event upsets from cosmic radiation continue to flip bits in flight-critical processors, a hazard that grows as more decisions are delegated to onboard autonomy. In road transport, driver-assistance and self-driving systems make control decisions in milliseconds that no human passenger can meaningfully authorize. The same structure appears in maritime autonomy, in counter-drone systems, in critical infrastructure, in agentic software that can execute code and move money, and in the swarming systems now under development for defense. Eight different sectors, eight different technologies, one identical hole.

The hole is not that machines are becoming too clever. That is the fear that dominates public debate, and it points attention in the wrong direction. The nearer and more concrete danger is temporal. Autonomous systems have crossed the threshold where they act faster than the humans nominally in charge can keep up. When a system can complete an irreversible action in the time it takes a person to read a single alert, the traditional safeguard, a human reviewing and approving each consequential step, quietly stops functioning. The human is still in the diagram. The human is no longer in the loop.

Two responses dominate current policy, and neither closes the gap. The first is to regulate the models themselves, restricting what the most capable systems are allowed to be. The United States has moved in this direction with export controls on frontier models. This is a blunt setting for a precise problem: it governs how capable a system may be, not what a fielded system is permitted to do now it acts. The second response is to trust the model’s own internal safeguards, the guardrails built in by developers. But the same allied guidance warns that these systems should be treated as untrusted components until proven otherwise, precisely because their behavior cannot be fully predicted and their reasoning cannot be fully inspected. A safeguard that lives inside the system it is meant to constrain is not a safeguard a regulator can rely on.

What the eight-sector pattern reveals is that the missing layer is the same everywhere, which means the fix can be common too. Governance should attach not to the model but to the moment of action, and it should sit outside the system rather than inside it, and three properties make this work in practice. Permission to act on a grave decision should be evaluated by a component the autonomous system cannot itself overrule, so that the check cannot be reasoned away by the thing being checked. Actions above a defined threshold of consequence should pause for human confirmation, with the level of human involvement rising as the stakes rise, so that reversible low-stakes decisions stay fast while irreversible high-stakes ones slow down by design. And every such decision should be written to a tamper-evident record, so that when something goes wrong, and eventually something will, investigators can reconstruct what was permitted and why. None of this is exotic. These are the same three ideas the allied guidance reaches for when it calls for enforced human control points, cryptographically anchored identity, and auditable action.

The encouraging part is that the scaffolding for this already exists in embryonic form and does not need to be invented from scratch. The US National Institute of Standards and Technology has built a widely used risk-management framework for AI. The European Union’s high-risk obligations for autonomous systems take effect in August, and they apply directly to agents operating in high-stakes settings. The Five Eyes guidance, for all its caution, is in substance a description of the same missing layer seen from the security side. What is absent is not the raw material but the recognition that these are one problem, not eight, and that a shared governance layer at the point of action would serve road safety, maritime operations, infrastructure protection, and defense alike.


That recognition matters because the alternative is to keep solving the same problem eight times, badly, one sector at a time, each industry discovering the governance gap only after its own first serious failure. The water-utility intrusion, the flight-control upset, the near-miss on the road: each is treated as a domestic incident in a single field, when together they are early readings of one structural condition. No single state can close this gap alone, because the systems and their supply chains cross borders, and no single regulator owns all eight sectors. But the commonality is also the opportunity. A governance layer defined once, now of action and outside the model, and adopted through the frameworks that already exist, would let allied states convert a scattered set of warnings into a single, enforceable standard before the pattern completes itself in the one sector where a first failure is not survivable.

The debate about artificial intelligence keeps asking how smart these systems will become. The more urgent question, visible now across eight industries at once, is simpler and more answerable: who is permitted to let them act, and can anyone still say no in time.


About Burak Oktenli
Burak Oktenli holds an MBA and a Master of Professional Studies in Applied Intelligence from Georgetown University. His research addresses the governance of authority in autonomous and AI-enabled systems, and his writing has appeared at the Modern War Institute at West Point, RUSI, RealClearDefense, RealClearMarkets, and Geopolitical Monitor.
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Veneer Of Normality Developing In Syria’s Homs – OpEd



July 13, 2026 
By Arab News
By Chris Doyle


Key Takeaways:

Homs exemplifies Syria’s complex post-Assad recovery: Once the revolution’s epicenter, the city shows physical destruction (especially Khalidiya’s skeletal buildings), demographic shifts (displacements and resettlement from Idlib), and lingering communal distrust, yet surface-level normalcy is slowly returning.

Tentative signs of improvement: Electricity and fuel availability have markedly increased, the Homs refinery is operational, agriculture is reviving due to decent rains, and social life (weddings, cafes, World Cup viewings) is re-emerging with some expatriate returns.

Persistent deep challenges: High unemployment, cash-only economy, security operations in Alawi areas, unresolved trauma from mass killings and sieges, and fragile foundations mean recovery remains slow and vulnerable despite cautious optimism.


Syria has rarely featured in the news of late. Perhaps that is a relief. Syrians joke that, during the US-Israeli war on Iran, Syria was once again one of the safer areas in the Middle East. Visitors to Damascus have increased, including President Emmanuel Macron of France. Yet the warnings are there, as two small bombs in the heart of the capital showed.

Yet to understand the ebb and flow, the highs and lows of Syria in 2026, more must head out of Damascus. Capital bias is a frequent factor in postwar situations but it does warp a proper understanding of the situation. The center of Damascus escaped the worst of the war and has benefited from a mild revival since 2024. Diplomats and journalists, however, are travel shy. They should not be.

Syria’s third city, Homs, offers a compelling tutorial in post-Assad dynamics. At a personal level, it is the home city of my wife’s family, which has provided me with privileged insights for a non-Syrian.

Homs was, in the early years of the revolution against the Assad regime, the epicenter of opposition, the capital of the revolution. It paid a heavy price for this, as a visit to the expanded Muslim cemetery to the north of the city reveals.

As in Damascus, the center of the city wears a fake normality. Motorbikes zoom around you like a swarm of angry hornets but, for the most part, life seems superficially normal. The iconic clock tower is at the core. Everyone remembers the protests there and the infamous clock tower massacre. Only minutes after passing this sight, I was chatting with a Syrian woman who lost three male members of her family in that atrocity. “Everyone here has had family members killed, arrested or disappeared. None of us were untouched,” she said.

But cross into Khalidiya, just north of the old city, and destruction on a ferocious scale hits you. Skeletal corpses of buildings have you questioning your assumptions about gravity. How do they still stand? A row of shops at ground level conduct normal trade, yet all the floors above them are mangled steel and concrete. At what point will it all come tumbling down?

Most of Homs can see the Gardenia Towers or, as they have come to be known in the city, “the death towers.” These were unfinished building sites in 2011 but, for the regime’s forces, they had a macabre function. From there, they could lob shells down into the city and snipe passers-by at will. What happened to these soldiers? How can they live with themselves?

On the main road out west, a series of homes have just been demolished. It was Hezbollah that built these without permits. They will now make way for a redevelopment of the area of Al-Waer. The Lebanese group did so much to destroy Al-Waer, which endured one of the most inhuman sieges in the war years.

Yet, as much as the city has been physically reshaped, it has also been reshaped demographically. Having travelled there since 1990, I had known it as a peaceful city, one where different communities coexisted. The largest Christmas tree in the Middle East decorated its center. Muslims would celebrate Christian feast days and vice versa.

This has been upended. Many fled the city, typically to Lebanon. Some have returned but many are not prepared to do so yet. In their place, I hear that many have come from Idlib in the northwest and are looking to stay. Where once everyone knew and trusted their neighbors, a miasma of distrust now pervades the city.

Homs has two Alawi areas. They have faced struggles even after the departure of the Assad regime. These areas are surrounded by security checkpoints and frequent security operations. Suspicion remains on all sides.

It is a mixed picture. The green shoots of recovery are slowly emerging but it is a long and challenging road ahead. Electricity is not yet plentiful but there has been a massive improvement on the one to two hours a day of a few years ago. Fuel is available most days. The major refinery at Homs is again belching out fumes, with long queues of tankers at the ready. Some of that fuel is again coming from Syria’s oil fields to the east. Expatriate Syrians are slowly coming back to visit families this summer, no doubt bringing a small injection of funds.

Yet it remains a cash economy. Syrians have to carry thick wads of cash to pay for necessities. Credit cards are forbidden, at least until US sanctions are fully lifted. Unemployment remains high, though several sectors of the economy are picking up. The rains this year have been decent, so many are returning to work in the agricultural sector, which, in the years of civil strife, had been largely abandoned.

Many want to be positive. We saw wedding parties. At one point, nobody celebrated anything. Crowds hover around giant screens to watch the World Cup. Cafes buzz. A veneer of normality is a start, even if it has shaky and vulnerable foundations.


Chris Doyle is director of the Council for Arab-British Understanding in London. X: @Doylech

About Arab News
Arab News is Saudi Arabia's first English-language newspaper. It was founded in 1975 by Hisham and Mohammed Ali Hafiz. Today, it is one of 29 publications produced by Saudi Research & Publishing Company (SRPC), a subsidiary of Saudi Research & Marketing Group (SRMG).
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BNP’s First 100 Days Raise Troubling Questions For Bangladesh – Analysis



Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Chairman Tarique Rahman. Photo Credit: Press Information Department of Bangladesh, Wikimedia Commons.

July 14, 2026 
 360info
By Abul Hasnat Milton


Key Takeaways:

BNP government’s first 100 days raise serious concerns: Despite promises of stability and reform, the administration is criticized for political exclusion of opponents, rising crime, economic stagnation, and diplomatic drift.

Economic and governance shortfalls: Foreign investment remains low, inflation persists, and public confidence is declining; critics say the government relies on rhetoric rather than measurable progress.

Foreign policy shift sparks debate: A perceived warmer stance toward Pakistan and more confrontational approach toward India is seen as risky, undermining Bangladesh’s traditional balanced diplomacy and long-term national interests.

The first one hundred days of any government rarely determine its ultimate legacy. They do, however, reveal its priorities, governing style and ability to inspire public confidence. As the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government completed its first 100 days in office on 17 May 2026, many Bangladeshis expected stability, economic recovery, democratic renewal, and stronger international engagement.

Instead, the country appears to be moving through a period of uncertainty, fear, declining confidence and diplomatic drift. The BNP came to power after months of political upheaval and after an interim period under Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus that, in the view of many critics, weakened institutional continuity and deepened political confrontation.


The BNP promised order, accountability, and a fresh start. Yet its first hundred days have raised serious questions about whether it has the capacity, willingness or vision to govern inclusively.

One of the gravest concerns has been the treatment of political dissent. Awami League activities remain banned, and a large number of Awami League leaders, activists, and supporters are reportedly in prison or facing cases. Many families allege harassment, intimidation and politically motivated legal actions.

If one of the country’s largest political parties remains effectively excluded from political activity, it becomes difficult to claim that Bangladesh has returned to genuine democratic pluralism. Democracy cannot be restored by silencing political opponents; it can only survive when all citizens, regardless of political identity, enjoy equal protection under the law.

Law and order has also become a major public concern. Reports of violent crime, deaths, extortion, mob violence, and attacks on political opponents have created anxiety across the country. Reports of rape and violence against women have further intensified fears about public safety. While crime statistics require careful analysis, the government cannot dismiss the widespread public perception that security has deteriorated.

Economic downturn

The economy offers little comfort. Inflation continues to hurt ordinary families, businesses remain cautious, and investor confidence appears weak. The recent UNCTAD report should be a wake-up call. Bangladesh attracted only US$1.8 billion in foreign direct investment in 2025, while Uganda attracted US$3.4 billion, and Ghana and the Democratic Republic of the Congo attracted US$1.9 billion each. For a country of Bangladesh’s size, population, strategic location, and manufacturing capacity, attracting less foreign investment than Uganda is not merely disappointing; it is deeply alarming.

Foreign investors look for stability, predictability, rule of law, and policy confidence. The current environment offers the opposite: political uncertainty, institutional weakness, legal insecurity, and inconsistent messaging. Rather than reassuring investors, the government has often relied on slogans and blame-shifting. Economic diplomacy appears weak, and there is little evidence that Bangladesh is being effectively promoted as a stable and attractive investment destination.

The government’s communication strategy has also failed to inspire confidence. Instead of presenting measurable achievements, ministers and supporters have too often focused on political rhetoric. A serious government must explain what it is doing, why it is doing so and how progress will be measured. The first hundred days have produced more excuses than results.

The contrast with the recent past is striking. Under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh experienced sustained economic growth, major infrastructure development, expanding electrification, rising manufacturing exports, and increasing international visibility.

Whatever criticisms were levelled against her government, Bangladesh was widely recognised as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies and an emerging development success story. Hasina’s leadership earned international recognition through numerous global forums and partnerships, and Bangladesh projected increasing confidence on the world stage.

In the opinion of many observers, the more recent political leadership—including both the Yunus-led interim administration and the BNP government under Tarique Rahman—has so far failed to preserve that momentum.


Foreign policy concerns

Foreign policy has been another area of growing concern. Since taking office, the BNP government has, in the view of many observers, projected a noticeably warmer relationship with Pakistan while appearing more distant towards India.

This shift raises important strategic questions. Bangladesh’s foreign policy has traditionally been guided by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s principle of “friendship to all, malice toward none”, maintaining balanced relations with competing regional and global powers. A visible tilt towards any single bloc risks undermining that carefully cultivated balance.

Bangladesh’s relationship with Pakistan is inevitably “shaped by the legacy” of the 1971 Liberation War, during which Pakistan’s military committed widespread atrocities against the people of Bangladesh. While diplomatic engagement with Pakistan is both legitimate and necessary, allowing that relationship to overshadow ties with other key partners would represent a significant departure from Bangladesh’s long-standing foreign policy tradition.

Equally concerning is the perception that the government has adopted a more confrontational posture towards India while simultaneously strengthening political engagement with Pakistan and Turkey. Whatever ideological preferences may exist, geography cannot be changed. India remains Bangladesh’s largest neighbour, an important trading partner, and a key stakeholder in regional security, energy, water resources and connectivity.

Pakistan, by contrast, continues to face profound political instability, severe economic challenges, and persistent security concerns. Bangladesh has little to gain from aligning itself too closely with a country confronting such internal difficulties.

Bangladesh’s long-term national interest lies not in choosing geopolitical camps but in pursuing a pragmatic, balanced foreign policy that maintains strong relations with India, China, the United States, Japan, the European Union, ASEAN, the Middle East, and all partners willing to contribute to Bangladesh’s peace, prosperity, and sovereignty.

The BNP government inherited many problems, but it also inherited responsibility. It cannot continue to blame the past while failing to govern the present. Nor can it hide behind the failures of the Yunus-led interim regime. In fact, critics may argue that the BNP government has continued many of the same patterns: political exclusion, institutional uncertainty, weak economic direction, and declining international confidence.

One hundred days may be a short period, but it is long enough to reveal direction. So far, that direction is troubling. Bangladesh needs rule of law, political inclusion, public safety, economic confidence and mature diplomacy.

Instead, the country is witnessing fear among opposition supporters, anxiety among citizens, hesitation among investors and uncertainty among international partners.

Ultimately, governments are judged not by promises but by performance. The BNP government’s first hundred days did not deliver the stability and confidence Bangladesh urgently needs. Unless it changes course by restoring political rights, protecting all citizens equally, strengthening law and order, rebuilding investor confidence, and pursuing a balanced foreign policy, these first hundred days may be remembered not as the beginning of national renewal, but as the continuation of instability under a new political banner.



About the author and editor:
Abul Hasnat Milton is a political analyst, author and Professor of Public Health, Northern University Bangladesh, Dhaka.

Chandan Nandy, Commissioning Editor, 360info

Source: This article was published by 360info

About 360info
360info provides an independent public information service that helps better explain the world, its challenges, and suggests practical solutions. Their content is sourced entirely from the international university and research community and then edited and curated by professional editors to ensure maximum readability. Editors are responsible for ensuring authors have a current affiliation with a university and are writing in their area of expertise.
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Bangladesh should strengthen nuclear expertise before investing in SMRs

Bangladesh should strengthen nuclear expertise before investing in SMRs
/ Pexels - Johannes PlenioFacebook
By IntelliNews July 13, 2026

In May, Bangladesh’s first nuclear power plant moved a step closer to confirming power generation after fuel loading was completed at the first unit of the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant. The plant is located about 160 kilometres from Dhaka. Construction of Unit 1 started in November 2017, while work on Unit 2 commenced in July 2018. The plant is now likely to come online in 2028.

As Bangladesh moves closer to attaining the status of a nuclear power-generating country, policymakers have begun weighing the option of setting up Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) or adding two more large reactors to the energy portfolio. However, according to Md Shafiqul Islam, professor of nuclear engineering at the University of Dhaka, the ambition is understandable but the timing demands far greater caution.

Writing an opinion piece in The Daily Star, a local Bangladeshi publication, Islam says that four key issues make an immediate SMR commitment premature. The first is quite simply Bangladesh’s lack of experience in operating a nuclear power plant. Building the skilled workforce and operational management needed to ensure the safe operation of a nuclear power plant is a long-term process that takes years. The second issue, according to Islam, is the lack of capacity to set up licensing and regulatory frameworks by the relatively young Bangladesh Atomic Energy Regulatory Authority (BAERA). SMRs are a special class of advanced nuclear technologies and require specific safety evaluations, regulatory approvals and inspection procedures, Islam says.

The third issue and pehaps most obvious is that of the limited number of commercially operational SMRs worldwide as only two are functional out of over 72 SMR designs under development. Most of these SMRs have not even secured a regulatory green light from their domestic nuclear regulators. The fourth is vendor selection complexity, whereby Dhaka will need to choose what technology to deploy, and to manage radioactive waste and geopolitical risk in the current international landscape.

A three-stage roadmap

Islam makes it clear that he is not arguing against SMRs outright, but is advocating a structured approach. According to the IAEA milestone approach, a nuclear programme requires a minimum 10 to 15 years of structured development to attain maturity. Islam says that at present, Bangladesh is in the very initial stages of this nuclear journey.

To begin with, Dhaka needs to successfully commission both units of the Rooppur power project and run it successfully for at least three to five years. This will help Bangladesh in acquiring operational and regulatory know-how. At the same time, concerted efforts are required to strengthen the regulatory body to bring it up to par with global standards. The South Asian country also needs to nurture fresh nuclear engineers and regulatory specialists.

Once these measures are in place, Bangladesh should then, but only then, move ahead with setting up two additional large reactors of 1,000 MW each as the third and fourth units of the Rooppur plant. Islam believes that the two units that are under construction alone will not solve Bangladesh’s energy deficit.

Also, expanding the power plant to four units will unlock economies of scale that maximise the long-term profitability of the initial $14bn investment. All four units can share the existing infrastructure like cooling systems, transmission lines and a trained workforce, which should result in a substantial reduction in per-unit costs. However, Dhaka should also be aiming to look beyond using just a single supplier to hedge geopolitical risks.

SMR’s come into the picture only in the third stage. However, this option should only be explored when the technology has matured, supply chains have been established and a robust regulatory system is in place.

Islam says that though SMRs are only the final option, Bangladesh should begin work in parallel on feasibility studies, global partnerships, technology assessment and specific workforce so that the country is ready when all the conditions are in place.

As a new generation of nuclear reactors that are much smaller than traditional nuclear plants, they are easy to build and easy to deploy. SMRs typically generate up to 300 MW of power as against 1,000 MW generated by a traditional nuclear power plant. Some of the advantages of SMRs include lower capital costs, faster construction and the theory that they can replace aging coal-based or gas-based power plants.

Once deployed, distributed SMR networks could then help to replace aging fossil fuel facilities, provide dependable electricity to remote coastal areas and deliver stable baseload power to export processing zones.

From the point of view of Bangladesh’s long-term energy requirements, there is a need to shift away from imported fossil fuels towards domestically produced clean energy. According to Islam, large nuclear reactors today and SMRs in the future must be central to the country’s energy planning.

Bangladesh will be best placed to realise the full benefits of nuclear energy by first operating Rooppur Units 1 and 2 successfully, strengthening its institutions, training technical personnel and building a robust regulatory framework. Energy security cannot be achieved overnight; it requires a deliberate, phased strategy and sustained commitment in Bangladesh, just as anywhere else.

 

The super El Nino is here

The super El Nino is here
The super El Nino is here and seas are heating up to bath temperature levels. / IntelliNewsFacebook
By Ben Aris in Berlin July 13, 2026

The planet’s seas are on their way to being as warm as bath water as the predicted super El Niño arrives. It is already clear that this year’s oceanic heating event will be the most powerful on record.

Global sea temperatures have already climbed past their previous all-time high, smashing records on their way, and forecasters warn that this year's El Niño could bring devastating extreme weather events.

The seas are running a fever. June was the hottest on record for the world's oceans as well as the land, according to Copernicus. Nearly 40% of ocean area worldwide is in the midst of a marine heatwave, with intense hot patches in the Mediterranean Sea and the Pacific Ocean more than 10°C hotter than usual. It's the latest in a wave of ocean warming that began in 2023.

Oceans absorb more than 90% of the excess heat trapped by the greenhouse gases released when fossil fuels are burnt. Waters at the surface also exchange heat and moisture with the atmosphere, helping to drive hotter temperatures and more extreme weather. For every one degree Celsius of warming, the atmosphere can hold about 7% more moisture. It also holds onto the water for longer. That means more time between rainfall, and heavier, more dangerous deluges when rain does fall.

A recent study found that at least a fifth of heatwaves on land begin in the ocean. Last year, more people died from extreme heat than from road crashes in Europe, according to the World Resources Institute.

Scientists have been warning of a super charged El Niño that will go into full swing as the summer ends, but nine of ten forecast models are already describing a “strong-to-historic” event. The single most likely outcome by late 2026 is a "very strong" El Niño — the top tier of the scale, reserved for the handful of events since the 1950s in which the central Pacific warms by more than 2°C above normal.

El Niño is the warm phase of a natural climate cycle, the El Niño–Southern Oscillation (ENSO), driven by temperature swings in the central and eastern Pacific. It recurs roughly every two to seven years, typically emerges during the northern autumn, and can persist into the following year.

In general, El Niño years are associated with heavier rainfall in places like California and South America and drier conditions across Australia and Southeast Asia. And although El Niño tends to suppress hurricanes near the United States, other regions tend to see stronger cyclones with more rainfall.

This year the impact is expected to peak from late 2026 into 2027, as what scientists often call Earth's most important "control knob" for year-to-year climate variability is turned up to the maximum setting on record. On a scale of one to ten, it’s going to be an eleven.

NOAA's Climate Prediction Center, which moved to an El Niño Advisory on June 11, puts the probability of the event reaching "very strong" intensity by the November–January peak at around 63%, with a near-certain chance that some form of El Niño persists through the northern winter. Ocean temperatures are already at record levels, Europe has endured a record-breaking heatwave, and marine heatwaves have flared across the western Mediterranean and the Atlantic seaboard.

During El Niño, above-average water temperatures in the central and eastern Pacific shift the position and strength of the subtropical jet stream, with effects that reach into the Caribbean and the Atlantic. Because the phenomenon concentrates its deepest pool of warm water — and its lowest wind shear — across that basin, it turns the Pacific into a hyper-fuelled engine for major hurricanes and powerful typhoons. Tellingly, Taiwan, China and Vietnam are all already being battered this weekend by Typhoon Bavi, forecast to be among the most powerful storms to ever strike Asia.

The numbers are already extreme. As of early July, the Niño-region sea-surface temperature anomaly had crossed 1.8°C above the 1991–2020 average — more than three standard deviations above the mean. In statistical terms, anything beyond two standard deviations is treated as an extreme aberration; this is, quite literally, an off-the-chart event.

Desperate measures

El Niño Is not going to smash previous records, scientists say it will break them by a huge margin. Some are starting to suggest desperate measures. 

"With all the July model runs now in, it is very likely that 2026 will see the largest El Niño event since records began in the late 1800s – and potentially by a truly mind-blowing margin. The median estimate is now 3.6C, roughly 0.8C hotter than the prior record (2.75C)," climatologist Zeke Hausfather said in a newsletter post

 

The proposal involves spraying microscopic sea salt particles into low-lying clouds over the Pacific Ocean. The salt particles would make the clouds brighter, allowing them to reflect more sunlight back into space. By reducing the amount of solar energy reaching the ocean's surface, researchers believe the technique could cool Pacific waters enough to reduce the strength of a developing Super El Niño.

Computer simulations suggest that, under the right conditions, the approach could cut the intensity of a Super El Niño by as much as 40%.

However, scientists stress that the idea remains purely theoretical and is not being recommended for real-world deployment. The Earth's climate system is extraordinarily complex, and no one fully understands the long-term consequences of deliberately altering cloud cover over the Pacific.

Even relatively small changes could disrupt the natural El Niño-La Niña cycle, with potentially far-reaching effects on global agriculture, rainfall patterns, heatwaves, floods, droughts and ultimately food and commodity prices.

For now, researchers see marine cloud brightening as an area for further study rather than an immediate climate solution. Nevertheless, the fact that geoengineering proposals are increasingly being discussed illustrates the growing concern among scientists over the scale of future climate risks and the possibility that conventional emissions reductions alone may not be sufficient to limit their impact.

Seas heating up

The clearest sign that something unusual is under way lies not in the tropics alone but in the oceans around the world. In June, the average sea-surface temperature for the extra-polar ocean — the vast band between 60°S and 60°N that excludes the ice-affected poles — was the highest ever recorded for the month, edging past the previous June record set in 2024 by 0.01°C, according to the Copernicus Climate Change Service.

That margin sounds trivial, but it matters for two reasons. First, it is a global average across an enormous area, so shifting it even a hundredth of a degree requires a colossal amount of additional heat spread across tens of millions of square kilometres of sea. Second, it comes on top of 2024's record, which was itself an outlier — meaning the ocean is not merely warm but setting fresh highs from an already elevated baseline, with little sign of the "cooling-off" that would normally follow a record year.

The heat is not evenly spread. It pools in hotspots where the numbers become genuinely startling: parts of the Mediterranean, the Gulf, and shallow tropical seas have pushed into the low 30s°C, temperatures at which coral bleaches, fish stocks flee or die, and the water gives up ever more moisture to feed storms. Marine heatwaves — prolonged spells of anomalously warm water — have become more frequent, more intense and longer-lasting worldwide, and this year's have struck close to home for Europe, scorching the western Mediterranean and reaching up the Atlantic coasts.

Those warm waters cause their own related damage. An unusually hot Mediterranean fuelled Storm Daniel in September 2023, a rare subtropical storm that ripped through Libya leaving more than 2,000 dead in its wake as a precursor to what this year’s super El Niño could cause.

Two forces are stacking up this year. One is El Niño itself, a natural redistribution of heat that temporarily warms the surface Pacific and nudges up the global average. The other is the long-term, human-driven warming trend on which El Niño now rides. The oceans have absorbed the overwhelming majority of the extra heat trapped by greenhouse gases — well over 90% — and each El Niño therefore breaks records from a higher starting line than the last. The result is a temporary but significant boost to global mean surface temperature layered on top of a rising floor: El Niño supplies the spike, climate change supplies the staircase.

The practical upshot is that the coming twelve months are likely to be exceptionally bad. This year's disaster season is likely to be worse than last year’s with a new batch of global temperature records, heightened risks of drought, flooding, coral bleaching and intense tropical cyclones running into 2027.

 

 

Heatwaves plague Europe

June 2026 was the hottest June recorded for western Europe and the second warmest globally, driven by the highest sea surface temperatures (SSTs) on record for the month, according to the monthly update from the Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S), implemented by the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts (ECMWF).

Europe also saw widespread dryness that, together with extreme heat, contributed to wildfire activity, particularly in the Iberian Peninsula and southern France, and heightened drought risk in parts of eastern Europe. The June heatwave occurred against a backdrop of increasingly dry soils across western and central Europe, further exacerbating drought conditions that had begun to develop during May's heatwave.

Globally June 2026 was the second-warmest in the ERA5 dataset, with an average surface air temperature of 16.54°C, 0.56°C above the 1991-2020 average for the month, behind June 2024.

The average temperature over European land in June 2026 was the second-highest on record for the month. Western Europe, the region most affected by the heatwave, experienced its warmest June on record, with an average temperature of 20.74°C, 3.05°C above the 1991–2020 average for June, surpassing the previous record set in June 2025.

The heat in parts of Western Europe is continuing in July, fuelling devastating wildfires in France and the Iberian Peninsula. Last year saw wildfires in Europe pass 1mn hectares for the first time. This year is likely to be worse.

Spain’s Fabra Observatory in Barcelona - one of WMO’s long-term weather observing stations - recorded 40.5°C on July 8 - the highest temperature in more than one century of data. France had a widespread amber alert (the second highest level) for heat as well as a high fire danger level because of drought, high temperatures and low humidity, according to Meteo-France.

WMO, its members and partners are mobilizing with early warnings and coordinated heat-health action plans to try to save lives and inform decision-making on how to minimise economic and ecosystem damage and disruption to infrastructure and labour productivity. It is accompanied by localized violent storms and in some areas by worsening drought and the risk of wildfires.

Extreme heat is expected to occur at increasing frequency and intensity and duration, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.  

“Heatwaves like this are what we expect to see in a changing climate,” said John Kennedy, head of climate information at WMO. “In the 50 years since the historic heatwave in 1976, Europe as a whole has warmed by around two degrees. It’s the fastest warming continent and extremes of temperature have increased too,” he said.