Saturday, September 03, 2022

Venice: The city which is shaped by and shapes outsiders

Venice has produced few major writers – yet few places have inspired so many authors


CHARLIE CONNELLY
Gondolas in Venice, 1951. Photo: Archivio Cameraphoto Epoche/Getty Images

“There is something so different in Venice from any other place in the world that you leave at once all accustomed habits and everyday sights to enter an enchanted garden,” wrote Mary Shelley in 1818 of Europe’s lagoon city.

Dickens showed up three decades later and declared, “Nothing in the world that you have ever heard of Venice is equal to the magnificent and stupendous reality… Venice is beyond the fancy of the wildest dreamer.” Hazlitt said that the only thing that could beat this city of water would be a city built in the air, Proust arrived, unpacked his luggage and declared that his dream had become his address, while for Truman Capote Venice was “like eating an entire box of chocolate liqueurs in one go”.

Few cities have ever proved as inspiring as La Serenissima. The greatest artists ever to wield a brush have excelled beneath its remarkable light, great composers have been and gone – Vivaldi was born there; Stravinsky is buried there – but perhaps the greatest body of work inspired by the city, greater even than the paintings of the Renaissance masters, is assembled from the writers who have lived, stayed or just passed through that clutch of buildings in the sea.


Unlike many great literary cities, Venice has produced barely a handful of writers of its own. There was Marco Polo, of course, whose accounts of his
voyages remain among the greatest works of travel literature, while Carlo
Goldoni was a highly successful playwright of the 18th century who wrote much of his dialogue in the Venetian dialect. Casanova was a Venetian, albeit one better known for his love life than his writing, as was Veronica Franco, a high-class sex worker who during the second half of the 16th century was a regular attendee at literary salons, published two volumes of poetry, a collection of letters and compiled a handy directory of Venetian courtesans.

It’s been left to the visitors, the incomers, the blow-ins, to establish Venice’s exalted standing as a literary city and, in contrast to the beauty of its buildings that has been disseminated around the world from the brushes of
Titian to the filters of Instagram, it’s the seedier side of Venice that has held
writers in its thrall for centuries.

Venture beyond the perfect veneer depicted in oils and you’ll find a city that’s been festering gently for centuries. Ever since the glorious Venetian empire began to fade, buildings have crumbled and deteriorated – only two weeks ago a violent squall detached pieces of St Mark’s campanile and deposited them on the square below – and the city is, of course, slowly sinking into the mud. A lingering sense of mortality is exacerbated by how the damp air, cramped streets and maritime arrivals from all over the world have sent waves of plague through the city at regular intervals throughout history. In Venice death always feels close. Time itself hangs heavier there
somehow, weighing down the ghosts that lurk in every shadow.

For a visiting Goethe in 1786, Venice “succumbs to time, like everything that has a phenomenal existence”. Byron spent three years in the city from 1816, seducing married women, writing Don Juan, and appreciating “the gloomy gaiety of their gondolas and the silence of the canals. I do not even dislike the evident decay of the city.”

It wasn’t just flakes of plasterwork falling into canals that lent a sense of impending doom. The dingy alleyways and quiet waterways, especially when heavy fogs drift in from the lagoon, still produce a silence that makes
introspection inevitable. The American writer Henry James called Venice “the repository of consolations”, a place where the terminally disappointed immerse themselves in their failures and rejections. “The deposed, the
defeated, the disenchanted, the wounded, or even only the bored, have seemed to find there something that no other place could give,” he wrote. “But such people came for themselves, as we seem to see them – only with the egotism of their grievances and the vanity of their hopes.”

As the Russian poet Joseph Brodsky, who visited Venice annually for two decades but only ever in winter, put it, “You never know as you move through these labyrinths whether you are pursuing a goal or running from
yourself, whether you are the hunter or his prey.”

Writers have long acknowledged the seedier side of the city. In 1527, the poet Pietro Arentino arrived in Venice, forced out of Rome by fear of assassination when a bishop took exception to being lampooned in verse, and delightedly christened his new home “the seat of all vices”. The man best known for the sexually explicit collection Sonetti Lussuriosi, (Lustful Sonnets), settled happily into the Palazzo Bollani Erizzo and set about blackmailing so many notable people that his own epitaph labelled him “the bitter poison of the human seed”, who had extorted everyone except God and that was only because he didn’t know him.

Roger Ascham, a Yorkshireman and former tutor to the young Elizabeth I, wrote in The Schoolmaster of how “I learned, when I was at Venice that there it is counted good policy, when there be four or five brethren of one family, one only to marry, and all the rest to welter with as little shame in open lechery, as swine do here in the common mire.” More recently, the American crime writer and former Venice resident Donna Leon has produced more than 30 high-quality murder mysteries in which the alleys and dark corners prove ideal locations for nefarious activity.

Among the fiction in which Venice appears, Voltaire’s Candide arrives in the city full of optimism about its beauty and culture and is soon disabused by the immorality he sees openly displayed around him. Constance Chatterley travels to the city in the hope of becoming pregnant in DH Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. In Evelyn Waugh’s Brideshead Revisited, Sebastian Flyte and Charles Ryder spend a bizarre week in the city with Flyte’s father Lord Marchmain and Marchmain’s lover.

Of the fiction set primarily in the city, among the best is Patricia Highsmith’s 1967 Those Who Walk Away, a thriller featuring the murderous disputes of an American family. Highsmith also wrote the short story Don’t Look Now, which was turned into a hilariously overwrought film by Nicolas Roeg and captures perfectly the decaying, melancholy essence of Venice out of season.

Henry James regarded his 1888 novel The Aspern Papers as his best, ahead even of The Turn of the Screw. An American biographer travels to Venice hoping to persuade or hoodwink a wealthy widow into handing over papers belonging to a poet named Jeffrey Aspern. Venice makes a perfect backdrop for the seediness of the quest and the lengths the narrator is prepared to go to to acquire the papers, not to mention the surprising climax that closes a gripping novel.

The best work of fiction set in Venice is another victim of an over-egged screen adaptation, Thomas Mann’s 1912 Death in Venice. Mann’s protagonist Gustav von Aschenbach is a wealthy but burnt-out writer on holiday who becomes obsessed with Tadzio, a beautiful young boy from a Polish family also staying at the Grand Hôtel des Bains on the Lido.

As the novella progresses and the obsession grows, Venice itself becomes a malevolent presence as a cholera epidemic takes hold. Don’t rely on Visconti’s stifling film, the original story is infinitely better.

If anything written about Venice can truly be described as non-fiction, Brodsky’s Watermark: An Essay on Venice is a beautiful evocation of the city, gleaned from his many Venetian winters (he’s buried at San Michele). It’s short yet immersive, with 51 brief chapters of thoughts, anecdotes and
impressions from a man who loved the city more than most and, a few self-indulgent digressions aside, captures it better than most.

By far the best non-fiction account of the city is by Jan Morris in her 1960 masterpiece, Venice. Part history, part travelogue, part memoir, Venice reveals her uncanny ability to capture the spirit of a place in a series of brief
encounters, sideways glances, paintings, statues and architecture. Anecdotal yet authoritative, Venice will never be eclipsed as the perfect introduction to and summation of the city, its people and its culture.

Among the literary landmarks you’ll find the Palazzo Contarini Fasan on the Grand Canal, which has come to be known as the House of Desdemona, from Shakespeare’s Othello, while the poet Robert Browning died in the nearby Ca’ Rezzonico, now a museum dedicated to 18th century Venice. A
drink in Harry’s Bar would be in the footsteps of Hemingway, while shortly
after the second world war WH Auden and Stephen Spender could be found
together in St Mark’s Square at a table outside the Caffè Florian.

You don’t need such specific pilgrimages to gain a sense of literary Venice. Walk any street, cross any bridge and boat along any canal and you’ll feel the weight of words as well as the weight of time. As Brodsky wrote of the city’s dark alleys, “at night these narrow stony gennels are like passages between the bookshelves of some immense, forgotten library, and equally quiet”.

ICYMI
Greenhouse gas and sea levels at record in 2021, U.S. agency says

Young residents walk past houses destroyed by a super typhoon on 
Siargao island in the Philippines, on Dec. 29. | AFP-JIJI

AFP-JIJI
Sep 1, 2022

Earth’s concentration of greenhouse gases and sea levels hit new highs in 2021, a U.S. government report said Wednesday, showing that climate change keeps surging ahead despite renewed efforts to curb emissions.

“The data presented in this report are clear — we continue to see more compelling scientific evidence that climate change has global impacts and shows no sign of slowing,” said Rick Spinrad, administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.


“With many communities hit with 1,000-year floods, exceptional drought and historic heat this year, it shows that the climate crisis is not a future threat but something we must address today,” he said in a statement.

The rise in greenhouse gas levels comes despite an easing of fossil fuel emissions the previous year as much of the global economy slowed sharply due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The U.S. agency said that the concentration of greenhouse gas in the atmosphere stood at 414.7 parts per million in 2021, 2.3 parts higher than in 2020.

The level is “the highest in at least the last million years based on paleoclimatic records,” the annual State of the Climate report found.

The planet’s sea levels rose for the 10th straight year, reaching a new record of 97 millimeters above the average in 1993 when satellite measurements began.

Last year was among the six warmest on record since the mid-19th century, with the last seven years all the seven hottest on record, it said.

The less headline-grabbing average temperatures were in part due to La Nina, an occasional phenomenon in the Pacific that cools waters, which took place early in the year and contributed to February being the coldest since 2014.

But water temperatures were also at records, with exceptionally high recordings documented in particular in lakes in Tibet, an environmentally crucial region as a water source for many of Asia’s major rivers.

Rising disasters and fears


Tropical storms, which are expected to increase as the planet warms, were sharply up in 2021, the report said. They included Typhoon Rai, which killed nearly 400 people in the Philippines in December, and Ida, which swept the Caribbean before becoming the second strongest hurricane to hit Louisiana after Katrina.

Among other extraordinary events cited in the report, the celebrated cherry trees in Kyoto bloomed at their earliest since 1409.

Wildfires, also expected to rise due to climate change, were comparatively low following recent years although devastating blazes were witnessed both in the American West and Siberia.

The 2021 report comes days after a study said Greenland’s ice sheet is already set to melt at dangerous levels, even without any future warming, with major effects for low-lying areas around the globe that are home to hundreds of millions of people.

The planet remains far off track from an ambition set by the Paris climate accord in 2015 to aspire to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels to avoid the worst effects of climate change.

In August, the United States under President Joe Biden pushed through the most expansive government package ever to address emissions from the world’s largest economy.

The effort will invest heavily in clean energy and comes as California moves to require all cars to be zero-emission by 2035, a decision with far-reaching consequences for the automobile industry.
South Korean Netflix hit ‘Extraordinary Attorney Woo’ sparks autism debate

By AFP
Published September 1, 2022

Lee Da-bin, a South Korean with autism, told AFP many people don't realise when they are encountering milder forms of autism -
Copyright AFP Jung Yeon-je
Claire LEE

A hit Netflix K-drama about a high-functioning autistic lawyer is prompting soul-searching in South Korea, where some on the spectrum say they can feel invisible.

The endearing “Extraordinary Attorney Woo”, featuring a neurodivergent attorney, has been Netflix’s most-watched non-English show for over a month, following a path blazed by fellow Korean smash “Squid Game”.

Even K-pop sensation BTS are fans of the global hit, with band members posting a video performing the signature greeting between Woo and her best friend — a dance step-slash-dab that is tearing across social media.

But the 16-episode series, which follows a rookie lawyer whose condition helps her find brilliant solutions to legal conundrums but often leaves her socially isolated, has gone beyond memes to trigger a serious debate in South Korea about autism.

Star lawyer Woo Young-woo is fiercely intelligent, with an IQ of 164, but also has visible autistic traits such as echolalia — the precise repetition of words or sentences, often out of context.

Lead actress Park Eun-bin, 29, who has received rave reviews, said she initially hesitated to accept the role, aware of the power of the story to impact perceptions of autistic people in South Korea and beyond.

“I felt I had a moral responsibility as an actor,” she told AFP.


“I knew (the show) was inevitably going to have an influence on people with autism and their families,” she said, adding that she had questioned whether she would be able to pull off the complex character.

“It was the first time that I had absolutely no idea what to do, when it came to how to express things, while I was reading the script,” she added.

– ‘Erased’ in South Korea –

But in South Korea, some families of autistic people have described the show as pure “fantasy”, saying her character is unrealistic.

For many on the spectrum, achieving like Woo would be equivalent to “a kid winning an Olympic medal for cycling without being able to walk yet”, Lee Dong-ju, the mother of an autistic child, told a local broadcaster.

But while Woo is clearly “a fictional character that has been created to maximise the dramatic effect”, there is actually more truth to her story than many South Koreans realise, said psychiatry professor Kim Eui-jung of the Ewha Womans University Mokdong Hospital.

About a third of people on the spectrum have average or above-average intelligence, she said, and may not have any noticeable autistic characteristics — or even realise they have the condition.

This was the case for Lee Da-bin, who is on the spectrum but was not diagnosed until later in life.

“People don’t recognize the mild forms of autism at all,” she said. “I feel that I’m being erased.”

Lee shares many traits with the fictional Woo, from hypersensitivity to taste to academic excellence despite suffering from bullying. She grew up knowing she was different but blamed herself for not being able to fit in.

It was only after she had dropped out of school and began seeing a psychiatrist for depression that she was diagnosed with autism and her teenage struggles to connect with others began to make sense.

“It was a life where you would not even speak 10 words a day,” Lee told AFP of her time at school.

“I’d lived my whole life thinking that I’m just a weird person… and it’s my fault that I can’t get along with other people.”

– Limited understanding –


“Public awareness or understanding of high-functioning autism is still very limited in South Korea,” said Kim Hee-jin, professor in psychiatry at Chung-Ang University Hospital in Seoul.


The general public views autism as “a condition that involves severe intellectual disability”, she said, adding this contributed to broader failures to diagnose and offer support early on.

Early interventions can help prevent those on the spectrum “from blaming themselves for the challenges they face due to autism, such as difficulty making and maintaining friendships.”

For Lee Da-bin, knowing her condition earlier in life could have helped her avoid enormous hurt and pain.

Since receiving her diagnosis, she has been able to restart her studies with the ultimate goal of a career in medicine.

And, like the fictional Attorney Woo — whose struggles with dating and dreams of living fully independently are touchingly portrayed in the hit show — Lee said she wants a life with a sense of agency and connection.

“I want to make enough money to support myself and afford my own place, where I can live with someone I love.”
The Uighur Australian who got his family home after 1,338 days

Sadam Abdusalam never gave up the struggle to get his wife and son out of China, and is telling their story in a new book.

Sadam Abdusalam, with his wife and two sons, has published a book 
on his campaign to get them out of Xinjiang 
[Courtesy of Sadam Abdusalam]

By Max Walden
Published On 1 Sep 2022

Sadam Abdusalam, an Australian man of Uighur heritage, has spoken out for the first time on the painful experience of being forcibly separated from his wife and child for 1,338 days after she was prevented from leaving China.

Then-pregnant Nadila Wumaier found herself unable to leave the Chinese region of Xinjiang in 2017 when the Chinese authorities seized her passport, derailing her plans to join Abdusalam in Australia.

It was only in late 2020 that Abdusalam and his son Lutfi would meet in person for the first time — at Sydney airport.

Now five years old, Lutfi was born in Xinjiang, where the United Nations said in a long-awaited report this week that Beijing’s policies against the mostly Muslim Uighurs and other ethnic minorities may amount to crimes against humanity.

Abdusalam’s new book, entitled ‘Freeing My Family’, recalls his early teenage experiences in Australia, the painful ordeal of being separated from his wife and child, and the process of reconnecting and building a new life in the southern Australian city of Adelaide, where there is a large Uighur population

.
Sadam Abdusalam did not meet his eldest son Lutfi until he was three years old
 [Courtesy of Sadam Abdusalam]

Abdusalam’s parents sent him to Sydney in 2009 to study English, with his dad telling him not to return to Xinjiang.

In high school, he describes clashing with Han Chinese students who insisted he too was Chinese.

“They told me ‘you guys are extremist’,” he told Al Jazeera.

Once he got to know the classmates better, Abdusalam said it was clear they were just parroting the messages promoted by state media.

“Now, I don’t even blame the Chinese people for what they believe.”

Abdusalam met Wumaier, who was living in Xinjiang’s capital Urumqi, through friends online in 2015. The pair were married by the end of that year.

While accustomed to a long-distance relationship, the couple’s lives became entangled in what Amnesty International has described as a “dystopian hellscape”, characterised by mass surveillance, detention and allegations of torture.

Uighurs who travel overseas or have networks abroad — like Wumaier — have reported being pinpointed as part of what Chinese authorities say are efforts to stamp out violent extremism.

When Abdusalam spoke to Australian and international media about his case, Wumaier would be harassed by police in Xinjiang, he says.

Michael Bradley, Abdusalam’s lawyer and co-author of the book, initially felt the chances of getting Wumaier and Lutfi to Australia were “hopeless”.

“[But Abdusalam] was so tenacious, in his persistence, and it was immediately obvious that he wasn’t going to give up. So, I kind of felt, well, we’ll need to do this and see what we can achieve,” Bradley told Al Jazeera.



Learning to be a father

The first hurdle was that Lutfi was not an Australian citizen.

Once they had secured a passport for Lutfi, it was a matter of keeping Abdusalam’s case in the headlines and continuing political pressure on the Australian government to continue “back channel” negotiations with their Chinese counterparts, said Bradley.


“We were hopeful that there’d be some sort of political leverage and maybe, even maybe, some basic humanity at play,” he said.

In mid-2020, for reasons still unknown, Wumaier was told by Chinese police that she would have her passport returned.

Because of coronavirus-related travel restrictions and flight cancellations in late 2020, it took them some 50 hours to fly from Urumqi to Australia — travelling via Shanghai, Nanyang, Hong Kong and Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea — before they arrived in Brisbane, where they spent two weeks in hotel quarantine. Only after that could they travel on to Sydney.

The book describes “the last moment of my life alone”, as Abdusalam ran towards Wumaier and Lutfi at Sydney airport.

Elaine Pearson, Australian director at Human Rights Watch, said Abdusalam’s story was a “really important story of hope”.

“He really did achieve the impossible, he was able to get his family out.”

Abdusalam says his happy ending is bittersweet for others in the Uighur diaspora in Australia, many of whom remain unable to contact relatives in Xinjiang and are uncertain of their fate.

“Most of the people I know would love to return [to Xinjiang]. At the end of the day man, that’s where we were born. My friends, relations, relatives, everyone is there,” he said.

“But [returning] – that’s never going to happen.”

Abdusalam and Wumaier have their own challenges. Having only met Lutfi through video calls before 2020, Abdusalam told Al Jazeera that: “I call myself a dad. But to be honest, I [didn’t] really know how to be a dad.”

His wife also carries the trauma of her life in Xinjiang.

“Even when [Wumaier] sees the police officers in uniform or [hears] the siren, it still triggers her a little bit,” he said.

“I don’t think we’re 100 percent back to like, a normal couple. We are still struggling mentally … [but] we believe we both can move on.”

The couple now has another son, 10-month-old Latif, whose name in Uighur means “kind”.
Separated families

Since around the time the Chinese Communist Party began its clampdown against alleged “extremism” in Xinjiang in 2017, Abdusalam’s elderly parents have been in the United States.

While they have been granted asylum and green cards, life remains difficult.

“It’s not easy, they can’t speak English well … They miss every minute. They want to go back there. Go back to Xinjiang,” Abdusalam said.

“I told my parents you should feel lucky you’re not in a camp. … [but] they don’t really worry about being put into a concentration camp.”


Pearson of Human Rights Watch says the Australian government needs to “redouble efforts to advocate on behalf of Uighur Australians for their relatives and loved ones who remain trapped in Xinjiang”.

“The Chinese government needs to realise that it shouldn’t be effectively using Uighurs as hostages,” she said.

“These are crimes against humanity that are being committed, and they need to know that there will be consequences from the international community for committing those crimes.”

Sadam Abdusalam and his wife, Nadila Wumaeir, are trying to work
 through the trauma of their forced separation [Courtesy of Sadam Abdusalam]

The Chinese Embassy in Australia did not respond to questions submitted by Al Jazeera.

Abdusalam holds out hope that Australia’s new Labor government will be more proactive in pushing for human rights protection in Asia, including for the Uighurs.

“I met with [now Australian Foreign Minister] Penny Wong when I went to parliament before the election,” he said.

“I have a pretty good feeling they will do more to help our people. I also thought to send one of my books to Penny Wong’s office. Hopefully she will read it.”

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA
Sweet return: German farmer gets both solar power and apples
By DANIEL NIEMANN
September 1, 2022

PHOTO ESSAY 1 of 10
Farmer Christian Nachtwey walks under solar panels, installed over his organic orchard in Gelsdorf, western Germany, Tuesday, Aug. 30, 2022. Many of the apple trees grow beneath solar panels that have been producing bountiful electricity during this year's unusually sun-rich summer, while providing the fruit below with much-needed shade. (AP Photo/Martin Meissner)

GELSDORF, Germany (AP) — It’s picking season at Christian Nachtwey’s organic orchard in western Germany and laborers are loading their carts with ripe red Elstar apples, ready to be shipped to European supermarkets.

But Nachtwey’s farm is also reaping a second harvest: Many of the apple trees grow beneath solar panels that have been producing bountiful electricity during this year’s unusually sun-rich summer, while providing the fruit below with much-needed shade.

“The idea is simple,” said Nachtwey, whose farm lies in Gelsdorf, an hour’s drive south of Cologne. “To protect the orchard, without reducing the available growing surface and in particular maintaining production. On top of that there’s the solar electricity being generated on the same land.”

Large-scale solar installations on arable land are becoming increasingly popular in Europe and North America, as farmers seek to make the most of their land and establish a second source of revenue.

Getting the right mix of crop and solar is hard though, because modern fruit varieties are finely tuned to particular growing conditions. Any change can tip the balance, costing farmers revenue if their fruit is damaged, the wrong color or not as sweet as consumers like.

That’s why Nachtwey is collaborating with researchers to test which apple varieties thrive under the solar canopy, and which types of photovoltaic roofs are best suited for the orchard. To compare the results, some trees are covered with a conventional netting normally used to protect sensitive crops from hail.

Juergen Zimmer, an expert with the agricultural services department of Rhineland-Palatinate state, said the apples grown under the solar roofs were slightly less sweet this year than those under the hail nets. But hardly any of the solar-shaded apples got damaged in the intense sunlight that hit the region on July 24 this year, whereas up to 18% of the uncovered fruit suffered sunburn that day, he said.

“We need at least two to three full years to record all the weather conditions that might occur, and look at the yield and color that the different varieties of tree produce,” said Zimmer.

Researchers hope the tests will show that tree fruit crops thrive under solar panels. This could help prevent renewable energy production from competing for precious land with agriculture — a growing concern for those seeking to tackle climate change and rising food prices.

Nachtwey said he could use the solar electricity generated on the farm to power his own facilities and machines. But to start with, he plans to provide the electricity to dozens of nearby homes instead.

___

Frank Jordans in Berlin contributed to this report.
Nicaragua’s Catholic Church: A nuanced conflict
EUREKA STREET AUS.
01 September 2022

The Catholic priest and poet Ernesto Cardenal was a moral figure of the Sandinista National Liberation Front, FLSN, the left-wing political party and guerrilla movement that ended the US-backed Somoza dictatorship in 1979.


In 1990 Ernesto Cardenal resigned from the FLSN. Father Cardenal, who died in 2020, charged Daniel Ortega — the current dictatorial president — with betraying the revolution's ideals. ‘Those who now govern calling themselves Sandinistas are not,’ Cardenal declared.

Unlike Cuba, the Nicaraguan revolution was never secular. Liberation Theology highly influenced the Nicaraguan Revolution. Many priests joined the guerrilla fight and the post-revolution period — this was the case of Miguel D'Escoto, Edgard Parrales, Uriel Molina, Gaspar García Laviana and Fernando Cardenal, brother of Ernesto Cardenal

‘Between Christianity and revolution, there is no contradiction,’ was a popular 1980s belief. And yet, the Sandinistas and Nicaragua’s Catholic Church have had, to say the least, a patchy historical relationship.

The ideological contradictions between the Sandinistas and the Catholic church are fundamental to this fickle historical relationship. In the 1980s, the Episcopal Conference of Nicaragua, led by archbishop Miguel Obando y Bravo, adopted the US view of the Sandinistas as a communist expansion threat.

'In less than four years, the Catholic Church has suffered 190 attacks and desecrations, including a fire in the Cathedral of Managua.'

In 1985, Pope John Paul II named Obando y Bravo as Cardenal, who became the standard bearer of the fight against the Sandinistas and exponents of the Liberation Theology. In the 1996 elections, Obando y Bravo called to vote against Ortega. Catholic leaders have often backed the country's conservative elite. Defeated and infuriated, Ortega began a systematic campaign against the Catholic hierarchy.

After three failed attempts, Ortega returned to power in 2007. In another turn of events, Ortega’s victory was due to the support received from Cardenal Obando y Bravo. In the campaign, Ortega made an offer the conservative Catholic hierarchy couldn’t refuse. He championed an unforgiving law that placed Nicaragua among a tiny group of nations that criminalise abortion under any circumstances.

To ingratiate himself even further with the Catholic Church, Ortega renewed the wedding vows with Rosario Murillo, now his vice-president, in a mass officiated by Cardenal Miguel Obando y Bravo. Between 2007 to 2018, Ortega disbursed nearly US$20 million in donations to Catholic and Evangelical churches. According to an investigation by Connectas, an independent digital media, of the almost 20 million, 44.21 per cent was directed to the Catholic church and 12.50 per cent to protestants.

The rest, 43.29 per cent, went to the Catholic University Redemptoris Mater, a private university founded in 1992 by Cardenal Miguel Obando y Bravo. The first Central American native-born Cardinal, Obando y Bravo, died in 2018. Ortega was left without a formidable Catholic ally in the worst year of his fourth consecutive term.

On April 18, 2018, Nicaragua exploded into nationwide protests in reaction to Ortega’s social security reforms — reforms demanded by the International Monetary Fund, IMF. In Latin America, street protests can quickly oust a government.

Hence, Ortega’s repression has been brutal. Paramilitary groups are doing the dirty work. Leading political leaders, including many Sandinistas, are now in prison. Newspapers and radio stations have been shut down. Since 2018, Ortega has outlawed 267 NGOs, including women’s groups serving vulnerable communities.

'In the last five months, the Ortega regime has increased its persecution of the Church, accusing them of being "terrorists". The conflict has been further exacerbated by the detention of Bishop Rolando Álvarez, the most outspoken critic of Ortega.'

The regime maintains over 190 people locked up for political reasons. According to data from the monthly lists of the Mechanism for the Recognition of Political Prisoners, at least 34 of these prisoners are in the cells of the El Chipote, the heinous Managua jail. It was here, in El Chipote, where former Sandinista guerrilla Hugo Torres Jimenez, one of 46 opposition figures jailed since last year, died last February at 73.

The Catholic Church has played a crucial role in Nicaragua's social explosion. Since the protests broke out, priests have called for marches and hunger strikes. Managua’s cathedral has sheltered student demonstrators and has been a place for collecting food and money to support them. The Managua Jesuit-run Central American University provided refuge for student protesters.

Catholic priests and institutions are under siege. Rosario Murillo, the wife of Ortega and the country's vice-president, has been vitriolic — ‘sons of the devil,’ she has called Catholic priests. In less than four years, the Catholic Church has suffered 190 attacks and desecrations, including a fire in the Cathedral of Managua. Not even the nuns from Mother Teresa's Missionaries of Charity have been spared — last July, the nuns were expelled, and the organisation was stripped of its legal status.

In the last five months, the Ortega regime has increased its persecution of the Church, accusing them of being ‘terrorists.’ The conflict has been further exacerbated by the detention of Bishop Rolando Álvarez, the most outspoken critic of Ortega. Álvarez is the Bishop of Matagalpa, Nicaragua's seventh largest city. The government has shut eight Matagalpa province radio stations, seven of them run by Álvarez.

Managua and Vatican City are separated by almost 10,000 kilometres. The long wait for a reaction from Pope Francis to the crisis in Nicaragua finally came about on August 21. ‘I follow closely with concern and pain the situation created in Nicaragua, which involves people and institutions,’ the pontiff said after the Sunday angelus in St. Peter's Square.

However, Francis didn’t mention the detention of clerics or condemn Daniel Ortega’s despotism. Pope Francis is from the Global South — a Latin American. He knows Latin American conflicts are far more nuanced than the unnuanced binary, good vs evil, constructed by commentators of the Global North. The crisis in Nicaragua is not clear-cut.


Antonio Castillo is a Latin American journalist and Director of the Centre for Communication, Politics and Culture, CPC, RMIT University, Melbourne.


Main image: A woman walks past a mural with the image of Daniel Ortega, president of Nicaragua on November 7, 2021 in Managua, Nicaragua. In recent months, 39 members of the opposition have been arrested, including seven presidential candidates. Daniel Ortega ruled Nicaragua from 1979 to 1990, returning to power in 2007. He faces accusations of increasing authoritarianism. (Orlando Valenzuela/Getty Images)
Tech tool offers police ‘mass surveillance on a budget’




AP-US-Investigation-Tracked-Fog-Reveal
AP Illustration/Peter Hamlin


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GARANCE BURKE and JASON DEAREN
Wed, August 31, 2022 

Local law enforcement agencies from suburban Southern California to rural North Carolina have been using an obscure cellphone tracking tool, at times without search warrants, that gives them the power to follow people’s movements months back in time, according to public records and internal emails obtained by The Associated Press.

Police have used “Fog Reveal” to search hundreds of billions of records from 250 million mobile devices, and harnessed the data to create location analyses known among law enforcement as “patterns of life,” according to thousands of pages of records about the company.

Sold by Virginia-based Fog Data Science LLC, Fog Reveal has been used since at least 2018 in criminal investigations ranging from the murder of a nurse in Arkansas to tracing the movements of a potential participant in the Jan. 6 insurrection at the Capitol. The tool is rarely, if ever, mentioned in court records, something that defense attorneys say makes it harder for them to properly defend their clients in cases in which the technology was used.

The company was developed by two former high-ranking Department of Homeland Security officials under former President George W. Bush. It relies on advertising identification numbers, which Fog officials say are culled from popular cellphone apps such as Waze, Starbucks and hundreds of others that target ads based on a person’s movements and interests, according to police emails. That information is then sold to companies like Fog.

“It’s sort of a mass surveillance program on a budget,” said Bennett Cyphers, a special adviser at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a digital privacy rights advocacy group.

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This story, supported by the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting, is part of an ongoing Associated Press series, “Tracked,” that investigates the power and consequences of decisions driven by algorithms on people’s everyday lives.

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The documents and emails were obtained by EFF through Freedom of Information Act requests. The group shared the files with The AP, which independently found that Fog sold its software in about 40 contracts to nearly two dozen agencies, according to GovSpend, a company that keeps tabs on government spending. The records and AP’s reporting provide the first public account of the extensive use of Fog Reveal by local police, according to analysts and legal experts who scrutinize such technologies.

Federal oversight of companies like Fog is an evolving legal landscape. On Monday, the Federal Trade Commission sued a data broker called Kochava that, like Fog, provides its clients with advertising IDs that authorities say can easily be used to find where a mobile device user lives, which violates rules the commission enforces. And there are bills before Congress now that, if passed, would regulate the industry.

“Local law enforcement is at the front lines of trafficking and missing persons cases, yet these departments are often behind in technology adoption,” Matthew Broderick, a Fog managing partner, said in an email. “We fill a gap for underfunded and understaffed departments.”

Because of the secrecy surrounding Fog, however, there are scant details about its use and most law enforcement agencies won’t discuss it, raising concerns among privacy advocates that it violates the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which protects against unreasonable search and seizure.

What distinguishes Fog Reveal from other cellphone location technologies used by police is that it follows the devices through their advertising IDs, unique numbers assigned to each device. These numbers do not contain the name of the phone’s user, but can be traced to homes and workplaces to help police establish pattern-of-life analyses.

“The capability that it had for bringing up just anybody in an area whether they were in public or at home seemed to me to be a very clear violation of the Fourth Amendment,” said Davin Hall, a former crime data analysis supervisor for the Greensboro, North Carolina, Police Department. “I just feel angry and betrayed and lied to.”

Hall resigned in late 2020 after months of voicing concerns about the department’s use of Fog to police attorneys and the city council.

While Greensboro officials acknowledged Fog’s use and initially defended it, the police department said it allowed its subscription to expire earlier this year because it didn’t “independently benefit investigations.”

But federal, state and local police agencies around the U.S. continue to use Fog with very little public accountability. Local police agencies have been enticed by Fog’s affordable price: It can start as low as $7,500 a year. And some departments that license it have shared access with other nearby law enforcement agencies, the emails show.

Police departments also like how quickly they can access detailed location information from Fog. Geofence warrants, which tap into GPS and other sources to track a device, are accessed by obtaining such data from companies, like Google or Apple. This requires police to obtain a warrant and ask the tech companies for the specific data they want, which can take days or weeks.

Using Fog’s data, which the company claims is anonymized, police can geofence an area or search by a specific device’s ad ID numbers, according to a user agreement obtained by AP. But, Fog maintains that "we have no way of linking signals back to a specific device or owner,” according to a sales representative who emailed the California Highway Patrol in 2018, after a lieutenant asked whether the tool could be legally used.

Despite such privacy assurances, the records show that law enforcement can use Fog’s data as a clue to find identifying information. “There is no (personal information) linked to the (ad ID),” wrote a Missouri official about Fog in 2019. “But if we are good at what we do, we should be able to figure out the owner.”

Fog’s Broderick said in an email that the company does not have access to people’s personal information, and draws from “commercially available data without restrictions to use,” from data brokers "that legitimately purchase data from apps in accordance with their legal agreements.” The company refused to share information about how many police agencies it works with.

“We are confident Law Enforcement has the responsible leadership, constraints, and political guidance at the municipal, state, and federal level to ensure that any law enforcement tool and method is appropriately used in accordance with the laws in their respective jurisdictions,” Broderick said in the email.

“Search warrants are not required for the use of the public data,” he added Thursday, saying that the data his product offers law enforcement is “lead data” and should not be used to establish probable cause.

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Kevin Metcalf, a prosecutor in Washington County, Arkansas, said he has used Fog Reveal without a warrant, especially in “exigent circumstances.” In these cases, the law provides a warrant exemption when a crime-in-process endangers people or an officer.

Metcalf also leads the National Child Protection Task Force, a nonprofit that combats child exploitation and trafficking. Fog is listed on its website as a task force sponsor and a company executive chairs the nonprofit’s board. Metcalf said Fog has been invaluable to cracking missing children cases and homicides.

“We push the limits, but we do them in a way that we target the bad guys,” he said. “Time is of the essence in those situations. We can’t wait on the traditional search warrant route.”

Fog was used successfully in the murder case of 25-year-old nurse Sydney Sutherland, who had last been seen jogging near Newport, Arkansas, before she disappeared, Metcalf said.

Police had little evidence to go on when they found her phone in a ditch, so Metcalf said he shared his agency’s access to Fog with the U.S. Marshals Service to figure out which other devices had been nearby at the time she was killed. He said Fog helped lead authorities to arrest a farmer in Sutherland’s rape and murder in August 2020, but its use was not documented in court records reviewed by AP.

Cyphers, who led EFF’s public records work, said there hasn’t been any previous record of companies selling this kind of granular data directly to local law enforcement.

“We’re seeing counties with less than 100,000 people where the sheriff is using this extremely high tech, extremely invasive, secretive surveillance tool to chase down local crime,” Cyphers said.

One such customer is the sheriff’s office in rural Rockingham County, North Carolina, population 91,000 and just north of Greensboro, where Hall still lives. The county bought a one-year license for $9,000 last year and recently renewed it.

“Rockingham County is tiny in terms of population. It never ceases to amaze me how small agencies will scoop up tools that they just absolutely don’t need, and nobody needs this one,” Hall said.

Sheriff’s spokesman Lt. Kevin Suthard confirmed the department recently renewed its license but declined to offer specifics about the use of Fog Reveal or how the office protects individuals’ rights.

“Because it would then be less effective as criminals could be cognizant that we have the device and adjust their commission of the crimes accordingly. Make sense?” Suthard said.

Fog has aggressively marketed its tool to police, even beta testing it with law enforcement, records show. The Dallas Police Department bought a Fog license in February after getting a free trial and “seeing a demonstration and hearing of success stories from the company,” Senior Cpl. Melinda Gutierrez, a department spokeswoman, said in an email.

Fog’s tool is accessed through a web portal. Investigators can enter a crime scene’s coordinates into the database, which brings back search results showing a device’s Fog ID, which is based on its unique ad ID number.

Police can see which device IDs were found near the location of the crime. Detectives or other officers can also search the location for IDs going forward from the time of the crime and back at least 180 days, according to the company’s user license agreement.

The emails and Fog’s Broderick contend the tool can actually search back years, however. Emails from a Fog representative to Florida and California law enforcement agencies said the tool’s data stretched back as far as June 2017. On Thursday Broderick, who had previously refused to address the question, said it “only has a three year reach back.”

While the data does not directly identify who owns a device, the company often gives law enforcement information it needs to connect it to addresses and other clues that help detectives figure out people’s identities, according to company representatives’ emails.

It is unclear how Fog makes these connections, but a company it refers to as its “data partner” called Venntel, Inc. has access to an even greater trove of users’ mobile data.

Venntel is a large broker that has supplied location data to agencies such as Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the FBI. The Department of Homeland Security’s watchdog is auditing how the offices under its control have used commercial data. That comes after some Democratic lawmakers asked it to investigate U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s use of Venntel data to track people without a search warrant in 2020. The company also has faced congressional inquiries about privacy concerns tied to federal law enforcement agencies’ use of its data.

Venntel and Fog work closely together to aid police detectives during investigations, emails show. Their marketing brochures are nearly identical, too, and Venntel staff has recommended Fog to law enforcement, according to the emails. Venntel said “the confidential nature of our business relationships” prevented it from responding to AP’s specific questions, and Fog would not comment on the relationship.

While Fog says in its marketing materials that it collects data from thousands of apps, like Starbucks and Waze, companies are not always aware of who is using their data. Venntel and Fog can collect billions of data points filled with detailed information because many apps embed invisible tracking software that follows users’ behavior. This software also lets the apps sell customized ads that are targeted to a person’s current location. In turn, data brokers’ software can hoover up personal data that can be used for other purposes.

Prior to publication, Fog’s Broderick refused to say how the company got data from Starbucks and Waze. But on Thursday, he said he did not know how data aggregators collected the information Fog Reveal draws from, or the specific apps from which the data was drawn.

For their part, Starbucks and Waze denied any relationship to Fog. Starbucks said it had not given permission to its business partners to share customer information with Fog.

“Starbucks has not approved Ad ID data generated by our app to be used in this way by Fog Data Science LLC. In our review to date, we have no relationship with this company,” said Megan Adams, a Starbucks spokesperson.

“We have never had a relationship with Fog Data Science, have not worked with them in any capacity, and have not shared information with them,” a Waze spokesperson said.

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Fog Data Science LLC is headquartered in a nondescript brick building in Leesburg, Virginia. It also has related entities in New Jersey, Ohio and Texas.

It was founded in 2016 by Robert Liscouski, who led the Department of Homeland Security’s National Cyber Security Division in the George W. Bush adminstration. His colleague, Broderick, is a former U.S. Marine brigadier general who ran DHS’ tech hub, the Homeland Security Operations Center, during Hurricane Katrina in 2005. A House bipartisan committee report cited Broderick among others for failing to coordinate a swift federal response to the deadly hurricane. Broderick resigned from DHS shortly thereafter.

In marketing materials, Fog also has touted its ability to offer police “predictive analytics,” a buzzword often used to describe high-tech policing tools that purport to predict crime hotspots. Liscouski and another Fog official have worked at companies focused on predictive analytics, machine learning and software platforms supporting artificial intelligence.

“It is capable of delivering both forensic and predictive analytics and near real-time insights on the daily movements of the people identified with those mobile devices,” reads an email announcing a Fog training last year for members of the National Fusion Center Association, which represents a network of intelligence-sharing partnerships created after the Sept. 11 attacks.

Fog’s Broderick said the company had not invested in predictive applications, and provided no details about any uses the tool had for predicting crime.

Despite privacy advocates’ concerns about warrantless surveillance, Fog Reveal has caught on with local and state police forces. It’s been used in a number of high-profile criminal cases, including one that was the subject of the television program “48 Hours.”

In 2017, a world-renowned exotic snake breeder was found dead, lying in a pool of blood in his reptile breeding facility in rural Missouri. Police initially thought the breeder, Ben Renick, might have died from a poisonous snake bite. But the evidence soon pointed to murder.

During its investigation, emails show the Missouri State Highway Patrol used Fog’s portal to search for cellphones at Renick’s home and breeding facility and zeroed in on a mobile device. Working with Fog, investigators used the data to identify the phone owner’s identity: it was the Renicks’ babysitter.

Police were able to log the babysitter’s whereabouts over time to create a pattern of life analysis.

It turned out to be a dead-end lead. Renick’s wife, Lynlee, later was charged and convicted of the murder.

Prosecutors did not cite Fog in a list of other tools they used in the investigation, according to trial exhibits examined by the AP.

But Missouri officials seemed pleased with Fog’s capabilities, even though it didn’t directly lead to an arrest. “It was interesting to see that the system did pick up a device that was absolutely in the area that day. Too bad it did not belong to a suspect!” a Missouri State Highway Patrol analyst wrote in an email to Fog.

In another high-profile criminal probe, records show the FBI asked state intelligence officials in Iowa for help with Fog as it investigated potential participants in the events at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6.

“Not definitive but still waiting to talk things over with a FOG rep,” wrote Justin Parker, deputy director of the Iowa Department of Public Safety, in an email to an FBI official in September 2021. It was unclear from the emails if Fog’s data factored into an arrest. Iowa officials did not respond and the FBI declined to comment.

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Metcalf, the Arkansas prosecutor, has argued against congressional efforts to require search warrants when using technologies like Fog Reveal.

He believes Americans have given up any reasonable expectation of privacy when they use free apps and likens EFF’s objections to tech like Fog to a “cult of privacy.”

“I think people are going to have to make a decision on whether we want all this free technology, we want all this free stuff, we want all the selfies,” he said. “But we can’t have that and at the same time say, ‘I’m a private person, so you can’t look at any of that.’ That just seems crazy.”

Although he is not an official Fog employee, Metcalf said he would step in to lead training sessions including the tool for federal prosecutors, federal agencies and police, including the Chicago Police Department, the emails show.

That kind of hands-on service and word-of-mouth marketing in tight-knit law enforcement circles seems to have helped increase Fog’s popularity.

The Maryland State Police is among the many agencies that have had contracts for Fog Reveal, and records show investigators believed it had a lot of potential.

“Companies have receptors all over. Malls, shopping centers, etc. They’re all around you,” wrote Sgt. John Bedell of the Criminal Enforcement Division, in an email to a colleague. The agency purchased a year of access to Fog in 2018.

“Picture getting a suspect’s phone then in the extraction being able to see everyplace they’d been in the last 18 months plotted on a map you filter by date ranges,” wrote Bedell. “The success lies in the secrecy.”

Elena Russo, a spokesperson for the agency, confirmed it had a Fog license previously but that it had lapsed. “Unfortunately, it was not helpful in solving any crimes,” she wrote in an email.

Still, as more local policing agencies sign up for Fog, some elected officials said they have been left in the dark. Several officials said there wasn’t enough information to grasp what services Fog actually provides.

“Who is this company? What are the track records? What are the privacy protections?” asked Anaheim council member Jose Moreno, remembering his confusion about Fog during a 2020 council meeting. “That night our chief had very little information for us.”

In Anaheim, the Fog license was paid for by a federal “Urban Area Security Initiative,” DHS grants that help localities fund efforts to prevent terrorism. A police spokesman said the department has not used it.

Defense attorneys worry there are few legal restrictions on law enforcement’s use of location data.

It’s a gap police agencies exploit, and often don’t disclose in court, said Michael Price, litigation director of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers’ Fourth Amendment Center.

“(Fog) is exceedingly rare to see in the wild because the cops often don’t get warrants,” said Price.

“Even if you do ask for (information) sometimes they say ‘We don’t know what you are talking about.’”

Privacy advocates worry Fog’s location tracking could be put to other novel uses, like keeping tabs on people who seek abortions in states where it is now illegal. These concerns were heightened when a Nebraska woman was charged in August with helping her teenage daughter end a pregnancy after investigators got hold of their Facebook messages.

Government’s use of location data is still being weighed by the courts, too. In 2018, the Supreme Court ruled that police generally need a warrant to look at records that reveal where cellphone users have been.

Nearly two years after walking off the crime data supervisor job with the Greensboro police force, Hall still worries about police surveillance in neighboring communities.

“Anyone with that login information can do as many searches as they want,” Hall said. “I don’t believe the police have earned the trust to use that, and I don’t believe it should be legal.”

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AP National Writer Allen G. Breed contributed from Greensboro, North Carolina. Dearen reported from New York and Burke reported from San Francisco.

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This reporting was produced in collaboration with researchers Janine Graham, Nicole Waddick and Jane Yang as well as the University of California, Berkeley’s Human Rights Center Investigations Lab and School of Law.

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Follow Garance Burke and Jason Dearen on Twitter at @garanceburke and @jhdearen. Contact AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org or https://www.ap.org/tips/




A lamp shines outside police headquarters in Greensboro, N.C., on Wednesday, June 22, 2022. The city recently let lapse its contract for Fog Reveal, a powerful cellphone-tracking tool that some advocates fear violates people's privacy rights. (AP Photo/Allen G. Breed)



Former police data analyst Davin Hall uses the Waze navigation app while driving through Greensboro, N.C., on Wednesday, June 22, 2022. Hall quit the city's police force in part over its use of Fog Reveal, a powerful cellphone-tracking tool that the company says uses data from apps like Waze to track mobile devices. A Waze spokesperson said the company has not heard of Fog and has no relationship to it. 
(AP Photo/Allen G. Breed)


Former police data analyst Davin Hall quit the Greensboro, N.C., police force in part over its use of Fog Reveal, a powerful cellphone-tracking tool. “The capability that it had for bringing up just anybody in an area whether they were in public or at home seemed to me to be a very clear violation of the Fourth Amendment,” Hall said. (AP Photo/Allen G. Breed)


A cruiser sits in a parking lot outside police headquarters in Greensboro, N.C., on Wednesday, June 22, 2022. The city decided to let lapse its contract with Fog Reveal, a powerful phone-tracking tool that some advocates fear violates people's privacy rights. (AP Photo/Allen G. Breed)


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Investigation-Tracked-Fog-Reveal
A crime scene unit van sits outside the Rockingham County Sheriff's Department in Wentworth, N.C., on Saturday, July 23, 2022. The rural county of just 91,000 residents subscribes to the powerful Fog Reveal service, which gives police the power to track cellphones, sometimes without a warrant.
 (AP Photo/Allen G. Breed)


New Titanic footage shows incredible detail of shipwreck


By Nick Pearson
 Sep 1, 2022

Unprecedented high-definition footage of the wreckage of the famed ship Titanic has been released for the first time.

The 8k footage shows incredible detail of the bow of the passenger liner, which sank after striking an iceberg in 1912.

The footage shot by Oceangate Expeditions shows the wreckage in enough detail to read the name of the manufacturer on the side of the anchor.

The Titanic has been at the bottom of the Atlantic since 1912. (Oceangate Expeditions)

Oceangate Expeditions' veteran Titanic diver Rory Golden touted the new video.

"I've been studying the wreck for decades and have completed multiple dives, and I can't recall seeing any other image showing this level of detail," he said.
 
"It is exciting that, after so many years, we may have discovered a new detail that wasn't as obvious with previous generations of camera technologies."

The expedition captured footage of the Titanic in incredible detail. (Oceangate Expeditions)

The footage will help divers plot the rate of decay of the vessel as it lies at the bottom of the Atlantic Ocean.

The expeditioners are planning another trip to the wreckage site in May next year.

The passenger liner sank on its maiden voyage from Southhampton to New York. More than 1500 people aboard died thanks to a shortage of lifeboats, making it the deadliest sinking of a ship at the time.

Lies, damn lies and social media: fake news stalks Brazil vote

The sheer volume of fake news, creation of new social media

platforms and ever more complex content has made it even more

difficult to verify information ahead of Brazil's October 2

presidential elections.




THIS ILLUSTRATION PICTURE SHOWS A SMART PHONE SCREEN DISPLAYING THE PHRASE "FAKE NEWS" IN FRONT OF A DESKTOP SCREEN SHOWING SEVERAL NEWS AND RESEARCH REPORTS ABOUT FAKE NEWS AND DISINFORMATION RELATED TO THE UPCOMING BRAZILIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. | AFP/MAURO PIMENTEL


In a divisive election campaign blighted by fears of unrest if far-right President Jair Bolsonaro refuses to accept defeat, Brazil is waging an uphill battle against disinformation wielded as a political weapon.

Analysts say Bolsonaro's 2018 electoral victory was in no small part due to an effective fake news smear campaign against his opponents.

Four years later, his backers have sought to replicate that feat, turning their attention to leftist ex-president and opinion poll frontrunner Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

"Disinformation has run wild" on newer platforms such as Telegram and TikTok, which allow for the rapid dissemination of easily manipulated video content, says Ana Regina Rego, coordinator of the National Network to Combat Disinformation.

Social media videos and other posts have sought to portray Lula, among other things, as an alcoholic who will shut down churches if elected in October.

Bolsonaro also has been targeted by fake news posts that have questioned, for example, whether he was really stabbed on the campaign trail in 2018. 

And despite nonstop work to debunk these and other false claims, such posts find fertile ground in a country where a 2018 study found that almost half of Brazilian voters relied on WhatsApp to read news about politics and elections. The figure was even higher among Bolsonaro voters.

In 2022, spreaders of disinformation have even more avenues including Telegram, the fast-growing messaging system that Bolsonaro has publicly embraced after having posts blocked on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. Despite stricter rules adopted and better policing introduced against fake news, experts say new technology is complicating the task.

The reach of fake news is impressive. 

Three TikTok videos alleging to show Lula getting drunk on a transparent liquid – which is actually water – were seen 6.6 million times, while another five on the same platform that try to cast doubt on Bolsonaro's stabbing had 3.3 million views.

Content that combines "facts, lies and decontextualisations with sensationalism has a 70 percent greater chance to go viral than something informative," Rego noted.

TikTok told AFP its policy is to withdraw content that violates its "community norms" and may affect the electoral process, and to avoid highlighting "potentially misleading information that cannot be verified."

At the outset of the 2022 presidential campaign, Supreme Electoral Court president Alexandre de Moraes vowed the justice system would be "resolute" in the fight against fake news. And there have been some successes.

Moraes has since ordered social networks to remove several Bolsonaro posts on grounds of disinformation, along with many others from his supporters.

The court oversaw the creation of a group with companies such as Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, Google and TikTok to screen out fake news and report offenders. Campaigns have been rolled out to boost digital literacy among social media users. 

WhatsApp agreed to delay until after the election the launch in Brazil of a new "Communities" feature that would allow the creation of groups of groups, with administrators able to send messages to all – thus vastly increasing the potential for viral information spread.

Telegram bowed to pressure to take down disinformation content under threat of being blocked for not collaborating with the authorities.

"Without the collaboration of the platforms, it is very difficult" to pursue the spreaders of disinformation, said sociologist Marco Aurelio Ruediger of the Getúlio Vargas Foundation, a Rio think tank.

"It takes a long time to adopt punitive measures, and by then the damage is already done, because the information has already circulated," he said.

'Even worse'

It is not only on social media, however, where lies are spread.

Bolsonaro himself has repeatedly criticised Brazil's electronic voting system, which he alleges – without evidence – is riddled with fraud.

The president is under investigation for the claims.

Bolsonaro, who is fond of saying "only God" can remove him from office, has warned Brazil faces "an even worse problem than the United States."

This has led to fears that his supporters might not accept the results, and that Brazil could see a burst of violence akin to the attack on the US Capitol in January 2021 in the wake of Donald Trump's loss to Joe Biden.

Trump's backers were riled up in part on social media, where Bolsonaro has tens of millions of followers.

"I fear that the results will not be accepted and that violence will be encouraged; we could experience a situation similar to that of the United States," said Ruediger. 

Five things on Brazil's voting machines

Brazil has used electronic voting machines in its elections since 1996. But it is only recently they became controversial, with allegations by far-right President Jair Bolsonaro that they are plagued by fraud. Here are five things to know about the squat beige computers fuelling a raging debate on democracy in Latin America's biggest country.

How did they start?
Ironically, given Bolsonaro's bashing, the electronic voting machines were introduced partly to combat fraud. Brazilians used to vote on paper ballots where they would check a box or write in a name, depending on the type of election. In a country where 14 percent of the adult population was illiterate, the system was chaotic, slow and fraud-prone. "There were always problems with the count. Illegible writing, names written in the wrong place, X's outside the box – all that meant a ballot was declared null," says Henrique Neves da Silva, a former judge on Brazil's Superior Electoral Tribunal. "There was also a lot of fraud and ballot-box stuffing." With help from the military, computer experts developed the country's first electronic voting machine, rolled out in 57 cities for the 1996 local elections.

How widespread are they?
Celebrated as a success, the voting machines were expanded to 67 percent of the electorate for Brazil's 1998 elections, and 100 percent for the 2000 elections. Brazil is one of 23 countries using electronic voting for general elections, according to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Another 18 use them for regional elections.

How do they work?
The machines are equipped with a number pad. When voters type the two-digit code for their chosen candidate, his or her picture appears. They then press a green button to confirm. "It's a very simple machine, with one function: to tally votes," says Da Silva. A key detail: the machines are not connected to the Internet. When voting closes, poll workers remove the memory card from each machine and send them to the local office of the electoral authority, which in turn sends the information to the central counting system in Brasilia via an independent network. In remote regions such as the Amazon rainforest, a satellite connection is sometimes used. Results are usually finalised in around two hours – not bad for a sprawling country with 156 million voters.

How secure are they?
The vote-counting software is updated for every election. Political parties, the judiciary and the military are allowed to inspect the source code. Security tests are also held in which IT experts attempt to hack into the system. "They literally take the machines apart, touch whatever they want. There is way more leeway than what [a theoretical hacker] would actually have on election day," says Da Silva. No major security flaw has ever been detected.

What does Bolsonaro say?
Bolsonaro insists the system is plagued by fraud, but has provided scant evidence. He claims he should have won the 2018 presidential election in the first round, instead of the run-off, but has offered no proof. He is pushing for a paper print-out to be made of every vote, so the count can be checked. But election authorities say that would only introduce an avenue for fraud. Prosecutors are investigating the president on charges of spreading disinformation about the voting system, including during a meeting with foreign ambassadors in July that was spattered with falsehoods. The US Embassy said after that meeting that Brazil's elections are "a model for the world." Bolsonaro has repeatedly threatened not to recognise the election result if the system is not changed.

– TIMES/AFP