Saturday, March 21, 2026

Drugmakers Reassess Europe As Trump Overhauls Drug-Pricing Rules – Analysis

The US president’s Most Favoured Nation drug-pricing policy has triggered an earthquake across Europe as pharmaceutical giants scramble to protect their bottom lines.
 SwissInfo
By Jessica Davis Plüss and Pauline Turuban

As the first anniversary of Donald Trump’s Most Favoured Nation (MFN) drug-pricing executive order approaches, the policy, which is aimed at cutting US healthcare costs, is no longer just a protectionist threat on paper. The order, which effectively forces pharmaceutical companies to charge US consumers the same as in other wealthy countries, has started to gain teeth.

Some 16 drug companies, including Swiss pharma giants Novartis and Roche (through its US subsidiary Genentech), have now signed confidential MFN deals with the US government exempting them from tariffs for three years according to some sources. As part of the deals, companies commit to align prices for new drugs with the lowest prices in a set of reference countries, which includes Switzerland. Some also agreed to boost investment in US research and manufacturing. In the past year, pharma companies have committed to invest in total more than $320 billion (CHF250 billion) in the US.

The Trump administration is also moving beyond voluntary deals to formalise MFN pricing via three models for state-run Medicaid and Medicare insurance schemes, with each using a slightly different set of reference countries. The launch of the prescription drug website TrumpRx.gov in February, which intends to deliver MFN prices directly to US consumers, has also raised the stakes. If companies don’t offer the lowest price, they risk being left off the high-profile platform.


In response, some companies have said they will delay or not launch new drugs at all in European countries, where historically prices have been far lower than in America, preferring to lose an entire market than set a low price that could gut their US revenue. Others have warned they will cut research and development spending in Europe unless governments raise the amount they are willing to pay.
High-stakes battle

Although there are still major uncertainties over how MFN will be implemented, Europe must take the policy seriously, experts say.

“MFN is here for the long-term”, said James Whitehouse, from UK-based consultants Lightning Health. “US politics are now dictating domestic health policy in other countries,” Whitehouse told Europe’s largest gathering of drug-pricing experts, the Evidence, Pricing and Access Congress in Amsterdam, in early March. This will have far-reaching implications for Europe, he told Swissinfo.


The US holds considerable sway over commercial decisions, accounting for at least half the revenue for most large pharmaceutical companies, partly due to high prices which, for branded products, can be four times higher than in other industrialised countries.

Lower prices in the US would significantly cut into revenue and profit, analysts at Swiss bank UBS wrote in a report published in May 2025. They estimated that major pharma firms could suffer an 8% hit to their net profit in 2028 based on the top 50 drugs sold through Medicare in 2024 and on ten new drugs expected to become top-selling drugs by the end of the decade.

Pharmaceutical companies and industry groups are now painting a dire picture of worsening access to medicine and less investment in Europe if drug prices in the region don’t rise to make up for lost revenue from the US.

US-based drug giant Pfizer, among the world’s top three pharma companies by sales, was the first to sign an MFN deal. Its chief executive, Albert Bourla, told the JPMorgan Chase healthcare conference in January that, if given a choice between reducing US prices to France’s level or stop supplying France, “we [will] stop supplying France”.

In contrast to the US where drug prices are largely based on market forces, European governments typically set prices through negotiation with companies. However, these have become more contentious, as companies argue prices aren’t adequately rewarding innovation. This is echoed by Trump who claims Europe is “freeloading” on innovation financed by US patients.

“Even before MFN was announced, the industry had been highly critical of the pricing environment in Europe, arguing it fails to recognise value,” said Neil Grubert, a UK-based global market access consultant. Europe has already seen its share of global R&D investment fall relative to the US and China. “Pressure is now also being exerted on European governments by President Trump.”

The stakes are particularly high for small, wealthy reference countries such as Switzerland and Denmark, whose economies depend heavily on the pharmaceutical sector but have less market leverage.


Last July Roche pulled its cancer drug Lunsumio from Switzerland’s list of reimbursed drugs after talks broke down with the federal public health office over the cost. Patients can still access the drug through a special charity programme, but the withdrawal avoided publishing the price for the drug that could have been used as a reference for the US.

US biotech firm Amgen, one of the companies that signed an MFN deal, recently withdrew its cholesterol-lowering drug Repatha from the Danish market, citing changed “global market dynamics” – although local media speculated the withdrawal was due to MFN pressure. Amgen lowered the drug’s price by 60% in the US in October 2025 to what it said was the lowest among economically developed (G7) countries.

“Some companies are saying the rational thing to do is to not launch an innovative drug in other countries until you have secured a US price to avoid pulling down the US price,” said Elisabeth Brock, a health economist and market access consultant based in Basel. “If you have no price, the US has nothing to compare to.”
Austerity bites

While Trump exerts pressure from across the Atlantic, European governments face domestic constraints that make price increases difficult. Many healthcare authorities, including those in Switzerland and Germany, are trying to rein in costs that have skyrocketed over the past decade.

Spending on medicine by Switzerland’s basic insurance hit a record CHF9.4 billion ($12 billion) in 2024, a 64% jump from 2014, driven by a handful of new, expensive treatments.

Some of these are true, life-changing innovations but not always. Studies have found that for some cancer drugs higher prices don’t necessarily correspond with more clinical benefit to patients.

This has led countries to demand greater justification for prices. Most European countries now require Health Technology Assessments to evaluate a drug’s cost-effectiveness. Some drugs, widely available in the US, have been rejected by some European price regulators because the assessments found the drug’s benefits didn’t justify their costs.

“Pharmaceutical companies say they need higher prices, but in Europe they need to prove that the drug is worth it,” said Brock. This price-setting approach also makes it difficult for European governments to raise prices with the flip of a switch, especially in the face of public pressure.

In November Interior Minister Elisabeth Baume-Schneider told Swiss public television SRF that “people in Switzerland cannot and should not have to pay with their health insurance premiums for prices in the US”.

The UK government last year agreed to pay 25% more for new medicine by 2035 as part of a trade deal with the US to avoid massive import tariffs. But pharma companies say it still isn’t enough to close the gap with US prices.

The European Union has other pressure points. It is implementing new pharmaceutical legislation, agreed last December, that aims, among other things, to improve access to medicine across the 27-member bloc. It requires a company to provide a drug in any member state that asks for it – or face immediate generic or biosimilar competition. It also means that companies could be forced to launch a drug in an MFN reference country if they launch anywhere else in the EU.


The MFN policy could also upend the decades-old strategy used by European governments of negotiating confidential discounts with drugmakers on their list prices, which Grubert says can be as much as 70% higher than the actual price paid, known as the net price. Switzerland recently codified confidential pricing models in law. The US regulations appear to call for net prices to be used as a reference rather than list prices.

“It’s in the interest of those countries to maintain confidentiality so that they can continue to secure what they believe to be among the most generous discounts and rebates,” said Grubert. “That was true before MFN but is an even more pressing issue now.” But it will be harder to keep net prices under wraps if the US demands them.

Ultimately, there is no guarantee that patients will be better off in the US or in Europe under MFN. If companies don’t launch in Europe, it would leave European patients without medicine and US patients bearing an even greater share of the cost of innovation. There’s also no mechanism in MFN to prevent companies from setting even higher prices in the US to compensate for revenue lost in Europe.

If European governments raise prices, it could put health systems, many of which are funded largely by public sources, under greater strain, potentially reducing budget for other services. Patients are likely to pick up the bill with higher out-of-pocket payments.

Many people will no longer be able to afford treatment, wrote Toma Mikalauskaite, policy head at the European Cancer League, in an email. “At a time when patients already face delays and medicine shortages, increasing drug prices would leave some cancer patients without the care they urgently need,” she said.


SwissInfo
swissinfo is an enterprise of the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SBC). Its role is to inform Swiss living abroad about events in their homeland and to raise awareness of Switzerland in other countries. swissinfo achieves this through its nine-language internet news and information platform.
Would You Fight For Your Country? 
The Most And Least Willing Among NATO Allies – Analysis

March 21, 2026 
Published by the Foreign Policy Research Institute
By Māris Andžāns


(FPRI) — If a war were to break out, would you be willing to fight for your country? This is a shortened version of the question used in the World Values Survey and the European Values Study since the early 1980s to assess citizens’ willingness to fight.

Over the past few years, the willingness to fight has drawn greater attention, especially since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. This war underscored the importance of citizen morale in resisting an invader. Ukrainians mounted a strong resistance against the invading force. If Ukrainian society had simply accepted Russia’s assault, the war might have ended sooner, with Ukraine losing.

But what about readiness to fight for NATO member states? To find this, the willingness-to-fight question was asked, for the first time, in a single poll across all NATO member states. A poll commissioned by Riga Stradins University, in cooperation with the Center for Geopolitical Studies Riga, was conducted in September and October 2025. With more than 31,000 respondents, the survey was nationally representative in each country.

According to the poll, the five countries with the highest share of citizens willing to fight for their country are Turkey (88 percent), Albania (69 percent), Sweden (66 percent), Finland (64 percent), and Montenegro (63 percent). Completing the top 10 are Greece (also 63 percent), Norway (61 percent), Lithuania (52 percent), Poland, and Slovenia (both 49 percent).


The strong willingness to fight in Turkey and the Nordic states, especially Sweden and Finland, is not surprising—previous studies corroborate this. The Turkish case has been explained by the volatile geopolitical context, and the Nordic case by the desire to preserve their lifestyles, combined with the threats from Russia.

Interestingly, Russia’s belligerence has not affected the will to fight equally among its closest and historically most affected neighbors, the Baltic states. While Lithuania, with 52 percent, ranks among the top 10 in NATO, Estonia and Latvia rank lower with 45 percent and 37 percent respectively. In both cases, views among their Russian-speakers have traditionally lowered the national average willingness to fight.

The only two North American NATO allies are ranked slightly below the midpoint. In Canada, 39 percent of respondents said they were ready to fight for their country, and a similar share in the United States (37 percent) said the same.


The countries with the lowest shares of citizens willing to fight for their country in NATO are Italy, Slovakia (both 25 percent), Germany (27 percent), the Netherlands (30 percent), Hungary, and the Czech Republic (both 33 percent). This is not surprising—these countries face no immediate military threat. Also, previous studies have found that willingness to fight has traditionally been lower in Germany and Italy, owing especially to their World War II experiences and the stigma that has accompanied those wars.

Polls like this do not guarantee that people in crisis would act as they have said they would in a casual public poll. In real life, factors such as the speed and scale of the conflict, the effectiveness of military self-defense, the support of allied countries, and personal and family circumstances can influence judgments and the (un)willingness to fight for one’s own country.

Findings from this poll should remind NATO and its member states that threat perceptions and populations’ readiness to back their countries and armed forces vary significantly. Some allies should learn lessons from others.

This study was supported by the European Union Recovery and Resilience Facility and the Republic of Latvia under the Grant “Why People Would (Not) Fight for Their Own Country in a War? NATO Member States at a Cross-Section” (No. RSU-ZG-2024/1-0001) within the project “RSU Internal and RSU with LASE External Consolidation” (No. 5.2.1.1.i.0/2/24/I/CFLA/005).

 

Data on super-polluting plumes show Turkmenistan’s joining of Global Methane Pledge has achieved little

Data on super-polluting plumes show Turkmenistan’s joining of Global Methane Pledge has achieved little
This super-plume in Esenguly, Balkan province, Turkmenistan shot to number one in the UCLA top 25. / Carbonmapper.org
By bne IntelliNews March 18, 2026

Back in December 2023, Turkmenistan proclaimed that it had joined the Global Methane Pledge and was set to tackle its proliferation of super-polluting plumes. Around 28 months later, new analysis has shown that it is still one of the worst countries in the world when it comes to potent methane mega-leaks that contribute hugely to global heating, even though the gas releases are typically simple and cheap to fix.

A top 25 list of such mega-leaks, produced by the Stop Methane Project at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), is dominated by facilities in Turkmenistan. Researchers at the project have called the situation with Turkmenistan and other culprits “maddening”.

As the Guardian reported on March 17, Turkmen officials claimed last October that the gas-rich Central Asian country’s methane mega-leaks had been reduced.

“Management has placed this under special control, and leaks are being repaired locally within two to three days,” state media outlet Turkmenportal quoted Muhammetberdi Byashiev, head of the environmental protection department at state company Turkmengaz, as saying as he pointed to collaboration with the UN, International Energy Agency (IEA) and EU. However, there is no sign of Turkmenistan making meaningful progress in sealing sources of its giant methane plumes.

“It’s clear that Turkmenistan is trying to access the European [gas] market,” Cara Horowitz at UCLA told the Guardian, adding: “European potential buyers should pay attention to our results and think of this as a ‘buyer beware’ moment.”

The EU is bringing in supposedly tight limits on methane leaks linked to imported gas.

“Methane was the stealth pollutant gas for many years: invisible, out of sight and out of mind,” Horowitz was also reported as saying. “But we can now see these tremendously powerful emissions using satellites and use that as a wake-up call for the world,” she added.

The UCLA Stop Methane analysis is based on data from Carbon Mapper. It itemises 4,400 significant plumes recorded in 2025. Each emitted at a rate of more than about 100kg/hour, or the equivalent of running 20,000 SUVs.

Oman’s foreign minister tells the US some hard truths, because that’s what friends do

Oman’s foreign minister tells the US some hard truths, because that’s what friends do
Oman's Foreign Minister Badr Albusaidi said the US has "lost control of its foreign policy" to Israel and sharply criticised the White House in a poignant op-ed in The Economist, but couched it in terms of friendship and a call to end the conflict in the Middle East being in everyone's interests. / bne IntelliNews
By bne IntelliNews March 19, 2026

Oman has played a leading role in the mediation between the US and Iran trying to prevent the regional conflict that started two weeks ago. In a poignant opinion piece “America’s friends must help extricate it from an unlawful war,” published by The Economist, Foreign Minister of Oman Badr Albusaidi was sharply critical of the US but offered this criticism as “a friend,” as America’s friends have a responsibility to tell the truth.

Albusaidi struck a balance between highlighting the disaster that the White House has caused with its ill-conceived and illegal attack on Iran, and the need for allies of the US to pressure it into ending the conflict. Poignantly, he chimed with an increasing number of Trump critics, arguing that the US has “lost control of its foreign policy” to Israel.

Albusaidi warned that the war between the US and Iran represents a “profound strategic miscalculation”, arguing that both sides have more to gain from peace than conflict.

Neutral Oman has played a key role in mediating talks between the US and Iran in the run up to the start of Operation Epic Fury on February 28. Unlike many of the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries it does not host a US military base and keeps what weapons supplies it buys low profile, although it does have defence agreements granting the US limited access to some ports and airports.

Widely seen as the Gulf’s “honest broker,” the day before Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi almost closed a deal with the US, via Omani intermediation, to give up on its uranium enrichment ambitions and end its missile program. “A deal was within reach. We left Geneva with an understanding that we’d seal a deal the next time we meet… but it was Mr Trump, yet again, who ultimately ordered the bombing of the negotiating table,” Araghchi said in a social media post.

Reflecting on failed diplomacy, Albusaidi said: “Twice in nine months the US and Iran have been on the verge of a real deal” on Tehran’s nuclear programme, describing it as “a shock but not a surprise” when talks were derailed by military action. The subsequent escalation, he argued, was predictable: Iran’s retaliation was “inevitable, if deeply regrettable and completely unacceptable,” but also “probably the only rational option available to the Iranian leadership.”

He warned that the consequences are being felt most acutely in the Gulf, where US security guarantees are now seen as a liability and the outlook has darkened.

“For Gulf states an economic model in which global sport, tourism, aviation and technology were to play an important role is now endangered. Plans to become a global hub for data centres may need to be revised,” he said.

Arab states that once relied on Washington “now experience that co-operation as an acute vulnerability,” threatening both “their present security and future prosperity.” The disruption to Hormuz has already begun to reverberate globally, “driving up energy prices and threatening deep recession,” a risk that “if this had not been anticipated… was surely a grave miscalculation.”

Albusaidi was particularly blunt of Washington’s decision-making and its abrogation of its foreign policy to Israel.

“The American administration’s greatest miscalculation, of course, was allowing itself to be drawn into this war in the first place. This is not America’s war, and there is no likely scenario in which both Israel and America will get what they want from it,” he said. “Hopefully America’s commitment to regime change is just rhetorical, whereas Israel explicitly seeks the overthrow of the Islamic Republic and probably cares little about how the country is governed, or by whom, once this has been achieved.”

“With this objective in mind Israel’s leadership seems to have persuaded America that Iran had been so weakened by sanctions, internal divisions and the American-Israeli bombings of its nuclear sites last June, that an unconditional surrender would swiftly follow the initial assault and the assassination of the supreme leader,” he said.

He said regime change in Iran could only be achieved by a “a long military campaign” and potentially US ground troops, opening “a new front in the forever wars. This is not what America’s government wants. Nor do its people, who certainly do not see this as their war.”

He urged US allies to confront uncomfortable realities. “America’s friends have a responsibility to tell the truth,” he said, including that “there are two parties to this war who have nothing to gain from it.” This, he suggested, also means acknowledging “the extent to which America has lost control of its own foreign policy.”

Looking ahead, Albusaidi argued that US interests lie in “a definitive and decisive end to nuclear-weapons proliferation… secure energy supply chains and renewed investment opportunities,” all of which are “best achieved with Iran at peace with its neighbours.” Despite the breakdown in trust, he maintained that “the path away from war… may have to lie through precisely this resumption” of negotiations.

“This is an uncomfortable truth to tell, because it involves indicating the extent to which America has lost control of its own foreign policy. But it must be told,” Albusaidi said.

To incentivise renewed diplomacy, he proposed linking US-Iran talks to a broader regional framework. A process aimed at “transparency on nuclear energy—and the energy transition more broadly” could offer a shared prize, potentially culminating in “a regional non-aggression treaty” and “a substantive regional deal on nuclear transparency.”

“It may be difficult for America to return to the bilateral negotiations from which it was twice diverted by the temptations of war. It will certainly be difficult for the Iranian leadership to return to dialogue with an administration that twice switched abruptly from talks to bombing and assassination. But the path away from war, hard though it may be for both parties to follow it, may have to lie through precisely this resumption,” Albusaidi said.

 

Which countries face the broadest international sanctions? Statista


North Korea tops the list of which countries have the most sanctions on them, followed by Iran and Myanmar. Russia comes in at only number five. / bne IntelliNews
By Tristan Gaudiaut for Statista March 20, 2026

As geopolitical tensions remain elevated and economic measures are becoming a key foreign policy tool, sanctions continue to shape global trade and diplomacy, Statista reports.

Since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Western countries have rolled out unprecedented restrictions targeting Moscow’s financial system, energy exports and key industries. At the same time, long-standing measures remain in place against countries such as Iran and North Korea over their nuclear and missile programs, while measures against Myanmar have intensified following the 2021 military coup. More recently, new sanctions have been introduced in response to conflicts, weapons programs and human rights violations in countries such as Russia, Iran and Myanmar.

Official data compiled in our chart shows that a small group of regimes faces particularly broad international pressure. North Korea, Iran, Myanmar and Afghanistan are subject to sanctions from all major Western actors as well as multilateral frameworks such as the UN Security Council, reflecting concerns ranging from nuclear weapons development to political repression and security threats. Russia, Belarus and Syria also face extensive restrictions, although these are not universally backed at the UN level due to geopolitical divisions. Venezuela, meanwhile, is sanctioned by several Western powers but to a lesser extent overall.

It is important to note that not all sanctions are alike. In some cases, such as Afghanistan, measures primarily target individuals or entities (e.g., the Taliban) rather than the state itself. In others, including North Korea and Iran, sanctions are far-reaching and cover trade, finance and entire sectors of the economy. Together, these patterns highlight how sanctions are increasingly used in coordinated ways by major economies, while also underscoring the limits of global consensus in an increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape.

 

 

You will find more infographics at Statista

 

Democracy fading as autocractic rulers gain ground – Statista


the latest Freedom in the World 2026 report found that democracy fell for the twentieth year in a row as autocractic rulers rise. / bne IntelliNews
By Felix Richter of Statistia March 20, 2026

Released on March 19, the latest Freedom in the World 2026 report finds that global freedom declined for the 20th consecutive year in 2025, with more countries experiencing a deterioration in political rights and civil liberties than improvements, Statista reports.

According to Freedom House, 54 countries saw their scores worsen, compared with just 35 registering gains, as armed conflict, coups and the erosion of democratic institutions continued to weigh on freedom worldwide.

This long-term trend is also reflected in the distribution of countries by freedom status. While the share of countries classified as “Free” has remained broadly stable since 2005, at around 45 percent, the proportion of “not free” countries has increased (from 25 to 30 percent), mainly at the expense of those rated “partly free” (from 30 to 25 percent). In fact, many countries that once occupied a middle ground have shifted toward more authoritarian forms of governance. Over the past two decades, 19 countries have fallen from “partly free” to “not free”, contributing to the expansion of the world’s autocracies, while only a limited number have improved their status and consolidated democratic institutions.

Among the most striking declines over the past two decades are countries such as Nicaragua and Venezuela, where democratic institutions have been steadily dismantled, as well as Mali, which has seen one of the largest score drops since 2005 following repeated coups. Elsewhere, notable setbacks have been recorded in countries such as Turkey and Hungary, while the United States has lost more points than any other country still classified as “free”. On the other hand, some countries have made meaningful progress, including Fiji and Malawi, which recently improved their status to “free”, alongside longer-term gains in countries such as Nepal ("partly free), Bhutan ("free") and Côte d’Ivoire ("partly free").

 

 

You will find more infographics at Statista

In all, 54 countries have experienced a deterioration in their political and civil liberties last year, while only 35 countries saw improvements. Guinea-Bissau, Tanzania, Burkina Faso, Madagascar and El Salvador saw their scores drop the furthest compared to last year, while Syria, Sri Lanka, Bolivia and Gabon saw the biggest gains.

Among the countries considered "not free", Sudan, Myanmar and Iran recorded further declines in their scores, as armed conflict and authoritarian repression resulted in profound human rights violations. Meanwhile the scores for Russia and China remained unchanged at 12 and 9 out of 100, respectively, as both countries continue to suppress anything resembling dissent, thereby crippling people's political and civil liberties.

Among the countries rated "free", Bulgaria, Italy and the United States saw the biggest declines. While Bulgaria and Italy saw their scores reduced in the face of widespread public corruption, the decline in freedom in the U.S. was attributed to a combination of long-term trends, such as chronic partisan gridlock, and more recent developments, i.e. the executive branch's assertion of unilateral authority and its threats and reprisals against any political opposition.

Overall, just three countries were assigned a new status, as Bolivia, Fiji and Malawi were upgraded from "partly free" to "free". According to Freedom House, these changes were driven by competitive national elections as well as growing judicial independence and strengthening of the rule of law.

The Freedom in the World Index is an index compiled annually by the U.S. NGO Freedom House, which evaluates civil and political freedom in states and territories around the world. The methodology is based on the Declaration of Human Rights as proclaimed by the United Nations (UN) in 1948 and is intended to assess the political rights and civil liberties of individuals rather than governments.

The countries/territories are evaluated by a team of internal and external analysts and expert advisors from a range of academia, think tanks and human rights communities, with the final scores being the result of a consensus between the analysts, a panel of outside advisors and Freedom House staff. Depending on the weighted index score for political rights and civil liberties, a country is classified as "free", "partly free" or "not free".

 You will find more infographics at Statista

 

Iran blackout enters 20th day as 456-hour outage sets record, NetBlocks says

Iran blackout enters 20th day as 456-hour outage sets record, NetBlocks says
Iran blackout enters 20th day as 456-hour outage sets record, NetBlocks says. / bne IntelliNews
By bnm Tehran bureau March 19, 2026

Iran’s nationwide internet shutdown has entered its 20th day, with public access to the global web cut for more than 456 hours, network monitor NetBlocks said on March 19, citing real-time connectivity data.

The outage, now the longest recorded in Iran, shows a wartime clampdown on information flows as authorities tighten control over communications during the conflict that began on February 28. Connectivity has fallen to around 1% of normal levels, effectively cutting off millions and deepening the country’s isolation from international networks. The duration surpasses a previous record set in January.

NetBlocks said a brief restoration after roughly 444 hours appeared to result from a filtering “glitch”, allowing limited access before services went dark again.

Restrictions have since broadened. So-called “white SIM” cards, previously used by regime-linked users to maintain access, were disabled on March 15 before being partially restored on March 18, suggesting a calibrated rollback. VPNs have been choked off, domestic platforms intermittently disrupted and messaging traffic curtailed, according to network data.

The tightening coincided with the run-up to Chaharshanbe Suri on March 17, a fire festival that in recent years has doubled as a protest flashpoint, pointing to a pre-emptive effort to disrupt mobilisation channels.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi framed the shutdown as a security measure. “The internet is closed because of security reasons… we have to do everything to protect our people,” he told CBS News, likening the restrictions to wartime controls.

The blackout has unfolded alongside an escalation in hostilities. Israeli and US strikes on Iran since late February have reportedly killed around 1,300 people, including senior figures, while Tehran has retaliated with drone and missile attacks targeting Israel and neighbouring states hosting US assets. The exchange has disrupted aviation routes and unsettled regional markets.

With external connectivity largely severed, Iranians are increasingly reliant on state broadcasters, while information flows shift abroad, where diaspora accounts fill gaps without direct verification from inside the country.

 

Ukraine deploys 228 counter-drone specialists to Gulf states amid Iran war

Ukraine deploys 228 counter-drone specialists to Gulf states amid Iran war
Ukraine deploys 228 counter-drone specialists to Gulf states amid Iran war. / bne IntelliNews
By bnm Gulf bureau March 20, 2026

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said 228 Ukrainian counter-drone specialists are now working in Qatar, the UAE and Saudi Arabia, with further cooperation underway with Kuwait and Jordan, RBC-Ukraine reported on March 20.

"Already not 210 but 228 of our experts are in Qatar, the UAE and Saudi Arabia. We are also working with Kuwait and Jordan. I will not disclose the details," Zelenskiy said.

The deployment positions Ukraine as a direct contributor to Gulf air defences at a time when Iran has launched more than 1,600 drones at the UAE alone and hundreds more at Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain since the war began on February 28.

Ukraine has developed extensive expertise in counter-drone warfare through its own conflict with Russia, where it has faced sustained attacks from Iranian-designed Shahed drones.

Kyiv has been keen to export that knowledge as both a revenue source and a means of strengthening ties with wealthy Gulf partners.

The arrangement also carries a geopolitical dimension. Iran has supplied Russia with attack drones used against Ukrainian cities, making the deployment of Ukrainian specialists to defend Gulf states from Iranian drones a pointed reversal.

Zelensky did not elaborate on whether the specialists were providing training, operating systems or advising on procurement.