Wednesday, June 24, 2026

ICYMI

“Curtains For Keir:” UK Premier Keir Starmer is Out




 June 23, 2026

Keir Starmer at Number 10 Downing Street upon his appointment. Picture by Kirsty O’Connor/ No 10 Downing Street. OGL 3

But what we’re really seeing is a grotesque blend of the worst of Thatcherism with the worst of Blairism: bad aspects of “neoliberalism” coexisting with bad aspects of bureaucratic statism. The result combines top-down statist nitpicking with Thatcherite ownership models; corporate, Whitehall and town hall management structures amalgamating into a public-private-partnership blob….

Political commentator Jonny Ball

After Labour’s disastrous performance in local elections in England and parliamentary elections in Wales and Scotland in May, it became highly likely that Keir Starmer’s days as prime minister were numbered. This proposition was confirmed by the result of the Makerfield byelection a few days ago in which the Greater Manchester mayor Andy Burnham (though he is Liverpudlian), widely tipped to launch a bid to overthrow Starmer as prime minister if he won the byelection and entered parliament, did so with a huge majority, tallying over 50% of the vote.

Before the byelection Starmer lurched, seemingly almost weekly, from one political stumble to another. Numerous “relaunches”, “rebrandings”, and “resets” followed these stumbles, along with renewed pledges with regard to “mission” and “delivery”. All to no avail. Management-speak could not cloak the paucity of significant policy proposals and their implementation. Beyond vacuous soundbites, there was simply no considered argument advanced on behalf of the “mission” and what “delivery” was really about.

The background to Starmer’s failure has been revealed by several biographies and accounts of his precipitous rise to power. Starmer became an MP in 2015, having been Director of Public Prosecutions from 2008 to 2013 (for which he received his knighthood). He was elected leader of the Labour party in 2020, following Jeremy Corbyn’s resignation after Labour’s defeat at the 2019 general election. Starmer campaigned for the party leadership under what soon turned out to be a false prospectus.

His leadership campaign hinged on Labour’s broadly social-democratic general election manifesto, which he promptly jettisoned once he won the leadership contest. He then purged the party of its leftists, with the aim of restoring Labour’s Blairite wing to ascendency within the party. Leaks and disclosures since the 2024 election indicate quite clearly that the Blairites plotted within Labour HQ to defenestrate Corbyn, while receiving considerable assistance from the UK’s overwhelmingly rightwing media when it came to smearing Corbyn and his supporters.

The Labour HQ plot had as its eminence grise Peter “Mandy” Mandelson, also known as “The Prince of Darkness”, until recently UK ambassador to the US (and before that a senior adviser to Tony Blair and member of Blair’s cabinet), before he was given the boot when the release of the Epstein Files showed his continued close association with Jeffrey Epstein even after the paedophilic financier had been jailed.

Mandy found a way to insert his protégé Morgan McSweeney into the prime minister’s office, where the latter ended up as Starmer’s chief of staff and ”ideas” man. With Mandy’s downfall, and the revelation that McSweeney and his team hastened Mandy’s ambassadorial appointment by shortcutting Mandy’s security vetting for this position, it didn’t take long before McSweeney was ushered out of 10 Downing Street. Many have concluded that Starmer, an ambitious technocrat with no real political convictions of his own (his wife Victoria says he hates political discussions!), had McSweeney lead him by the nose throughout. Starmer now vies with Macron for being the least popular European leader.

Labour was “elected” in 2024 with 66% of the parliamentary seats from 33% of the votes, and half a million fewer votes than when Jeremy Corbyn lost in a so-called landslide in 2019. To put it in a nutshell: 2 out of 3 voters voted against Labour in 2024, so Labour’s current large majority has an extremely shallow base.

This electoral shallowness was borne out in May’s local elections. The gloating Nigel Farage’s far-right Reform UK won hundreds of seats and control of more councils in England (Reform benefitting from the erosion of the Labour vote as progressive voters switched en masse to the Greens); in Scotland the Scottish National Party claimed a historic fifth victory; and in Wales the pro-independence Plaid Cymru ended a century of Labour dominance. In London, the Greens captured several councils across the capital (as well as the borough mayoralties of Hackney and Lewisham); the centrist Lib Dems made some gains in the south-east of England that had no decisive implications for the next general election, while the traditionally incumbent Conservatives were wiped-out as they managed to hold on to a few remaining “heartlands” that probably won’t survive the next two general elections or so (Tory voters are preponderately in the geriatric demographic, and a tier of younger rightwing voters has started to switch its allegiance to sharper-fanged politicians more adroit at dealing with a chaotic media ecosystem, such as Nigel Farage and the even further right Restore Britain. Those GenZers who incline to the left tilted towards the Green’s Jake Polanski, another media savvy politician). The Makerfield byelection however had Andy Burnham seeing off the far-right parties– Farage’s Reform as well as Restore combined failed to match Burnham’s vote tally.

Farage, ever the opportunistic grifter, even though he poses as a “man of the people”, tried to conceal receiving a £5m/$6.6m “donation” from a tax-evading British crypto billionaire domiciled in Thailand. Farage, a media hog whose forte is the daily press conference even when he has nothing to say, has been avoiding the media for weeks after his “donation” became public.

Even though midterm local elections and byelections are always difficult for the party in power, everything in these elections confirmed a deep and widespread disillusionment with a rudderless Labour (and a vitriolic animus towards Starmer in particular).

The 2026 local elections, and the Makerfield byelection (held in a former coalmining area around Wigan), confirmed the UK’s transformation into a multi-party democracy administered alas by a system set up for duopoly—these days it has become clear that the former duopolists, Labour and the Tories, have been joined by the 2 nationalist parties, the SNP and Plaid Cymru, the far-right Reform UK and farther right Restore Britain, and the centrist Lib Dems and centre-left Greens. This now anomalous voting structure is a sure-fire recipe for tactical voting, which in turn generates somewhat unpredictable voting outcomes. And of course, a multi-party system makes it more likely that there will be minority governments, thus increasing the likelihood of coalition governments.

The 2026 local elections led some pundits to speculate on the possibility of a Reform-Tory coalition should Reform not win an absolute majority in the 2029 general election. The Tories polled a mere 2.2% of the vote in the Makerfield byelection, and along with the unimpressive Reform vote, this scenario can be put to bed for now. The Greens were trounced in Makerfield, as their electoral base was depleted by tactical voters turning to Labour/Burnham to keep out the far-right parties.

 The only way to curb such seeming electoral anomalies is to move to a system of proportional representation, but such a move is resisted—predictably– by the traditional duopolists (as mentioned, the complication here is that Reform has replaced the Conservatives as the UK’s second national party).

Among Labour’s many slipups, primacy must be given to its failure to deal with the cost-of-living crisis (food prices have increased by 50% in 5 years, exacerbated recently by the war on Iran). The UK has the most expensive rail tickets in Europe, without the accompanying standards of service. Utilities, privatised by the Tories from Thatcher onwards, are in desperate straits, as senior managers pocket stratospheric remuneration packages while their customers face rip-off prices. Thus, for example, England’s privatised water companies pump billions of gallons of sewage into rivers, lakes and coastal waters, while charging customers above-inflation rates for service.

Speculative profits face lower taxation rates (Capital Gains) than workers pay on their wages (Income Tax + National Insurance). Millions of full-time workers receive such low wages that shortfalls are made up by tens of billions of public spending on in-work benefits. 31% of British children grow up in poverty, with 75% of them living in working households!

Labour promised “change” when it took office in 2024, but fearful of the bond-market tyrants and their fans in the rightwing media, continued with its Tory predecessor’s austerity policies and wage suppression. At the same time, it has allowed rampant profiteering on the part of private landlords.

The UK has undergone a debilitating underinvestment for decades– its investment has been the lowest in the G7 for 24 of the past 30 years, resulting in chronic economic underperformance.

Labour needs to channel substantial investment directly to explicit goals (rather than mumbling vaguely about “delivery”), while using state capacity to transform the UK’s flatlining economy. Labour, however, is terrified of being labelled a “tax and spend” government, this nonsense being backed by the discredited superstition that a “big state” will crowd out supposedly “superior/more productive” investment by the private sector.

Don’t these people know, for example, that nearly all the world’s top-ranked airlines are owned by governments—Singapore Airlines, Emirates, Etihad, Qatar Airways, Turkish Airlines, and several Chinese airlines? I have travelled in all of them (bar Etihad), and vouch that no US or UK airlines, all privately-owned, can match their levels of service and comfort. Andy Burnham’s record of favouring public ownership as mayor of Greater Manchester may have helped him gain votes in the byelection.

Labour’s record in undoing the disastrous Thatcherite privatisations has been lamentable. Only the railways are a sector that has been significantly renationalized, as the majority of train operators are finally and belatedly taken into public ownership.

Starmer’s maladroit timidity as a politician (except when purging his party of leftists) is likely to see Burnham challenge him for the premiership in the coming months. For now we know very little about Burnham’s future political prospectus. However, we know he is an excellent political communicator, but also a slippery and chameleon-like operator who supported Blair’s Iraq war when he was last in parliament.

Starmer pledged to fight on, but resigned on Monday, when Burnham was sworn in as an MP. We await the next few weeks as politicians jostle for positions and favours, supporters are rewarded, advisers are chosen, and “democracy” thin as gruel is put on the table.

Kenneth Surin teaches at Duke University, North Carolina.  He lives in Blacksburg, Virginia.

LGBTIQ Pride

The Revolution Will be Queer or it Will Not Be a Revolution


Statement by Democracia Socialista (Puerto Rico)

Wednesday 10 June 2026, by Democracia Socialista (PR)



Queer and Trans oppression is class oppression.

The oppression of LGBTQI+ people is not some cultural debate separate from the economic issue. It is a tool of the ruling class. Its function is to divide. The working class is taught to fear our trans coworkers more than the boss who pays us both less.

While we fight amongst ourselves, we don’t fight against those who exploit us. The right wing knows this—that’s why every attack on LGBTQI+ rights is linked to attacks on union rights, reproductive rights, public health, and education.

It’s the same struggle. Liberation comes from the same place.

The enemy in Puerto Rico is not abstract.

It has a name—the organised right—and it has a budget, lobbyists, and representation in the Capitol. It has spent years pushing against LGBTQI+ rights, against gender-inclusive education, and against bodily autonomy.

These people advance when we don’t confront them. Through laws, through their resumes, through media rhetoric, through pressure on every legislator willing to cooperate. Their strategy is long-term, and they have executed it patiently.

Marching in Pride is a way of standing up against that project. In the streets, ready to fight.

This fight is not happening on just one island.

While we march in Puerto Rico, anti-trans laws are advancing in Texas, Florida, Tennessee, and two dozen other states. Hungary has outright banned Pride. Italy is dismantling LGBTQI+ protections that took decades to build. The process is international and coordinated — the same think tanks, the same churches, the same funding networks.

But so is resistance. Every Pride march taking to the streets right now—in San Juan, in Budapest, in Rome, in Tegucigalpa, in Buenos Aires—is part of the same thing. No one is fighting this alone. And no one should have to.

Internationalism is not just decoration for the socialist program. It is survival.

What We Defend.

We don’t have a five-point programme for LGBTQI+ rights. We have commitments. These guide us when deciding where we stand.

* Equality Equality without conditions. There is no “debate” on rights. No one’s body is "politically controversial".

* Dignity Self-determination over one’s own body, one’s own identity, one’s own life. Without permission, without guardianship, without panels of experts deciding who has the right to exist.

* Solidarity Concrete solidarity with trans people, especially with black and migrant trans women, who bear the heaviest burden of violence and receive the least attention.

* Tradition Pride as a political tradition, not a product. The Stonewall uprising was a rebellion against police repression, led by Black and Latina trans women. That’s the line we stand by and for.

What we do not accept.

X We do not accept the politically deactivated Pride that the market wants to sell us. The version where the only demand is to be left alone to consume in peace. Where the bank that finances the displacement of working-class neighbourhoods displays its logo in rainbow colours once a year. It’s not a Pride celebration for brands. It’s a Pride celebration for the people.

X We do not accept performative solidarity. We say it in June because we say it all year round. Pride isn’t our marketing month. If the words don’t point to concrete work, they’re not worth the ink.

X We do not accept that all this has already been won. Every right that seems secure is a right that the right wing is organising to overturn. We saw it with Roe v. Wade. We’re seeing it with anti-trans laws. It’s our turn here too, before it catches us by surprise.

Democracia Socialista: For a free Puerto Rico, ecosocialist, feminist, anti-racist and sovereign

Translated by David Fagan for International Viewpoint from pride.socialista.pr.

P.S.

If you like this article or have found it useful, please consider donating towards the work of International Viewpoint. Simply follow this link: Donate then enter an amount of your choice. One-off donations are very welcome. But regular donations by standing order are also vital to our continuing functioning. See the last paragraph of this article for our bank account details and take out a standing order. Thanks.

Anti-LGBTIQ  laws tightened in Niger

Sunday 21 June 2026, by Lalla F. Colvin




The tightening of anti-LGBTI laws in West Africa continues in Niger. On 11 June 2026, the Niger government published its revised Penal Code, which had been initiated by Mohamed Bazoum, the country’s former president, overthrown in a coup in July 2023. The country is now led by General Abdourahamane Tiani.

Criminalization now explicit

A new milestone has therefore been reached in the repression of the LGBTI community, with the appearance in the new Penal Code of several articles explicitly criminalising same-sex relations.

This decision marks a break: until now, same-sex relations were not explicitly prohibited in the country, although strongly stigmatized.

From now on, “committing or attempting to commit an indecent or unnatural LGBTQIA+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex or asexual) act or practice” is punishable by five to ten years in prison and heavy fines (around 150,000 euros), while weddings and their participants (organizers, witnesses and so on) can be punished by ten to twenty years in prison. A similar penalty will be put in place for “any person who manages, directs, operates, finances or participates in clubs, societies, organizations or associations for homosexuals or LGBTQIA+.”

It is therefore in truth the entire LGBTI community that is targeted, because, although officially no law has been passed against trans identity, sex and gender transition is indeed an integral part of the abbreviation “LGBTQIA+” and is, as such, just as targeted by this new Penal Code.

A hardening of authoritarianism amidst political instability

Far from being an isolated measure, this criminalization is part of a context of hardening authoritarianism since the 2023 coup. The constitution was suspended by the junta on July 26, 2023. At the same time, the borders are closed and the institutions (civil government, institutions of the 7th Republic, parliament and assemblies and so on) suspended. The constitution, since 2025, has been replaced by a transitional charter.

Niger’s step backwards is all the more worrying as it is part of a broader dynamic that has been taking place in recent years in West Africa, where several states have recently strengthened their anti-LGBTI legislation. Indeed, more than 30 out of 54 countries on the African continent criminalize homosexual relations. Countries such as Senegal or Tanzania can go up to ten years in prison, five years in Burkina Faso. Others, such as Uganda or Somalia, punish them with the death penalty.

These repressive policies can be attributed to conservative religious pressures. But also and above all to an anti-Western discourse instrumentalized in order to serve a conservative goal: since coming to power, General Tiani has failed to oppose Niger’s jihadists. Repression of homosexuality, which is very taboo in Niger, can therefore be seen as a way of appeasing certain populations in the country and illustrating the government’s new position.

The fight against these policies cannot be left to the Western powers or to international institutions, which are only interested in subjugating the peoples of Africa and plundering their wealth. It must be part of an internationalist movement in support of LGBTI communities, supported by all peoples and oppressed.

Defending countries in struggle against imperialism must not lead us to close our eyes to the repression suffered by the oppressed in their countries, and must not distract us from the return or appearance of archaic laws aimed at stifling the freedom of life of everyone, and of expression of all.

14 June 2026

Translated by International Viewpoint from l’Anticapitaliste.