A Sorry State of Affairs: Chinese Arrivants, 

Indigenous Hosts, and Settler Colonial Apologies (2019)

Angie Wong, 

Lakehead University

Abstract: 

We make and give gestures of apology every day, Canadians doubly so. Yet, grand actsof apology for more serious and sustained matters, such as historical and contemporary injusticeagainst those with the least amount of social power, require far more ethical consideration and transformation than simply saying, “I am sorry.” Since the early 2000s, several political parties of the Canadian government have taken up the trend of making a spectacle out of nationalapologies to historically oppressed groups. Engaging with the concept of the settler colonial triad to theorize the histories of early Chinese arrivants’ experience, this work departs from the 2006 House of Commons apology made to Chinese Canadians on behalf of former PM StephenHarper and explores the paradoxical operations behind state-sanctioned apologies, including the use of benevolence and hospitality as crisis management tactics resultant of Canada’s settler colonial configuration. Within this contradictory relation, those who identify as ChineseCanadian may find themselves questioning their belonging, given the historically- fraught socialstrategies used for the making of Canadian subjecthood. State-sanctioned apologies function toconsolidate settler colonial reality and constitute a return to normalcy, which is why critical racescholars and scholars of settler colonial studies must look beyond unilateral relationships withthe state.

Angie Wong is a critical race scholar and second-generation Chinese born in Canada. Wong iscurrently a professor of Women’s Studies at Lakehead University in Thunder Bay, Ontario.Reliant upon critical race theory, philosophy, settler colonial studies, and transnationalfeminisms, Wong continues to research the experiences of Asian women and histories of Chineseracialization in Canada in a forthcoming book project on the Chinatown community of Calgary, Alberta. Wong obtained a BCC from the University of Calgary (2012). Her MA (2014) and PhD(2018) in Humanities are from York University where she conducted the first extensivephilosophical and critical race analysis of the small and powerful grassroots magazinepublication,The Asianadian, under the supervision of Chinese Canadian and postcolonial scholar, Lily M. Cho. Wong’s approach to pedagogy and research is interdisciplinary, political,and cross-cultural.

  "BC Labour, the Left and Asian Exclusion, 1885-1914: Race and Racism on the West Coast"

Eoin Kelly

The history of the labour movement in British Columbia is intricately tied to the history of race and anti-Asian exclusion. Empowered by North American working class fears of Chinese labour, BC trade unions found strength in denouncing marginalized Asian labourers. Though moments of racial solidarity existed, they were few and far between. The growth of the mainstream BC labour movement, through its endorsement of anti-Asian exclusion, as well as the moments of anti-racist rejection racial solidarity, will show how racism and racialism worked to create, sustain and, occasionally, question the labour movement in British Columbia.

Location: Toronto

Publisher: History Student Association, University of Toronto

Journal Name: The Future of History

Publication Date: Sep 2016

Canada's First Internment Camps

CANADA'S RACIST HISTORY OF EXPLOITATION OF IMMIGRANT WORKERS

Socialists and workers: 
the western Canadian coal miners, 1900-21

Labour/Le Travail, 1985

Allen Seager

Publisher: JSTOR

Publication Date: Jan 1, 1985

Publication Name: Labour/Le Travail

The Reddest Rose: Harvey Murphy Stood at the Barricades 

of Many Labour Struggles in BC

Ron Verzuh

A brief study of the very active life of the man who called himself the “reddest rose
 in the garden of Labour,” Harvey Murphy, suggests that he merited more than a 
few paragraphs or a few pages in scholarly works dedicated to a study of labour’s past. 
And yet Murphy, who stood at the barricades of many labour struggles throughout 
an era of radical union and left politics, seldom receives more than footnote-length 
treatment.
Hated by some labour leaders, he was long deemed a workers’ friend by Alberta
 and BC mine and smelter workers. He was at the clamorous forefront of the
 struggle for union and worker rights in Canada’s West for more than a decade. 
Why then has so little attention been paid to a man that BC historian 
Allen Seager called “the most influential communist in the Canadian trade-union 
movement in the 1940s”?

Ron Verzuh

Simon Fraser University

Graduate Student

Ron Verzuh is a Canadian writer, historian, photographer and documentary filmmaker. He holds a PhD in history from Simon Fraser University.His doctoral dissertation is entitled “Divided Loyalties: A Study of a Communist-led Trade Union in Trail, British Columbia, 1943-1955.” He has published many essays and articles on subjects ranging from the labour movement to travel, literature, news media, film, food, and politics. Many of his works can be seen at www.ronverzuh.ca. He is married and currently lives in Eugene, Oregon

75 ANNIVERSARY  Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation, and Contemporary Capitalism
Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie, 2019

Brigitte Aulenbacher
Richard Bärnthaler
Richard Bärnthaler
Andreas Novy

Seventy-five years ago, in April 1944, Karl Polanyi’s "The Great Transformation—On the origins of our times" (TGT) was published in the United States and England. Since then it has been translated into 15 languages (cf. Polanyi Levitt in this volume). Written in America during the war and under the impact of the Great Depression, TGT sought to come to terms with the collapse of the liberal civilization in a similarly embracing manner as Horkheimer’s and Adorno’s "Dialectics of enlightenment", published as a preliminary version also in 1944 in the USA. TGT captures the specific historical constellation of the “revolutionary thirties” in which free trade, the gold standard, and liberal democracy reached an impasse, resulting in competing attempts to re-order society — attempts that ranged from socialism to fascism and from Stalin’s“socialism in one country” to Roosevelt’s New Deal. At that time, the repercussions of Polanyi’s work remained fairly restricted, John Dewey’s euphoric feedback being a notable exception (cf. Gräser in this volume)...

Doi: 10.1007/s11614-019-00341-8
Issue: 2
Volume: 44
Page Numbers: 105-114
Publication Date: 2019
Publication Name: Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie

Karl Polanyi in Vienna: Guild Socialism, Austro-Marxism, and Duczynska’s alternative
https://www.academia.edu/28880352/Karl_Polanyi_in_Vienna_Guild_Socialism_Austro-Marxism_and_Duczynska_s_alternative
Gareth Dale
ABSTRACT
In this article I discuss Polanyi’s intellectual formation in early twentieth-century Budapest and in 1920s Vienna focusing in particular upon his relationship to Guild Socialist and & Marxist theory and Austrian Social (Democracy). His wife Ilona Duczynska's influence on his theorizing.

"Socialist Accounting" by Karl Polanyi (1922) + Preface (2016) https://www.academia.edu/28271636/_Socialist_Accounting_by_Karl_Polanyi_1922_PrefaceIt 
Ariane Fischer
David Woodruff
Johanna Bockman
Ariane Fischer, David Woodruff, and Johanna Bockman have translated Karl Polanyi’s “Sozialistische Rechnungslegung” [“Socialist Accounting”] from 1922. In this article, Polanyi laid out his model of a future socialism, a world in which the economy is subordinated to society. Polanyi described the nature of this society and a kind of socialism that he would remain committed to his entire life. Accompanying the translation is the preface titled “Socialism and the embedded economy.” In the preface, Bockman explains the historical context of the article and its significance to the socialist calculation debate, the social sciences, and socialism more broadly. Based on her reading of the accounting and society that Polanyi offers here, Bockman argues that scholars have too narrowly used Polanyi’s work to support the Keynesian welfare state to the exclusion of other institutions, have too broadly used his work to study social institutions indiscriminately, and have not recognized that his work shares fundamental commonalities with and often unacknowledged distinctions from neoclassical economics.

HAYEK VERSUS POLANYI:SPONTANEITY AND DESIGN IN CAPITALISM
https://www.academia.edu/2954917/Hayek_vs._Polanyi_Spontaneity_and_Design_in_Capitalism
 Rafael Galvão de Almeida (UFSCar/Sorocaba) Ramón García Fernández (UFABC)
Abstract:
This paper studies the concept of spontaneous order, its development through many schools of economic thought and its importance for the society of our days. We begin to discuss this idea looking at the work of Friedrich Hayek,since he proposed the most well-known conceptualization of spontaneous order,which came out of the economic calculation debate of the 1930s; this led to his research about the role of the information on the economy, which is dispersed through the economy. The most mature version of his work can be found in“
 Law, Legislation and Liberty”
, in which he also discusses practical applications. As a counterpoint to the Hayekian perspective, we include some criticisms of this concept, and accordingly we look at the contributions of Karl Polanyi on this issue. Polanyi diverged from Hayek about the role of the market in the society, as he proposed that societies protect themselves from the invasion of the market in the other social spheres, through the process he called “double movement”. For the last part, we conclude that, despite some relevant objections, it is fruitful to maintain the concept of spontaneous order, stressing that Polanyi´s double movement itself can be considered a manifestation of the spontaneous order. On the other hand, we emphasize that this spontaneous order at some moment needs to be institutionalized with some rules, so we consider that anarchism, in its libertarian or its leftist perspectives, are self-defeating proposals.
Keywords: spontaneous order, double movement, Friedrich Hayek, Karl Polanyi,invisible hand

How the Cold War Began ... with British Help: The Gouzenko Affair Revisited, Labour/Le Travail Spring Issue 2017)

Dennis Molinaro

The Gouzenko Affair is referred to as the event that started the Cold War. This article draws on recently declassified documents that shed new light on Britain’s role in this affair, particularly that of the Foreign Office and the British High Commissioner to Canada. The documents reveal how the British had a major part in directing the response to Igor Gouzenko’s defection in 1945. This event revealed the need for increased counterespionage security, but it also became a spectacle that directed the public’s attention away from the British connection: specifically, the role of Alan Nunn May, a British nuclear scientist who had provided the Soviets with classified information. Instead, the public’s interest was centred on Soviet spies, communism as a subversive force, and the brewing Soviet-US conflict. These newly declassified sources demonstrate how it was the British intelligence services and the British government that went to great lengths to help focus the public’s attention in this direction. They took great pains to direct Canadian policy making, which included working to discourage Canada’s prime minister William Lyon Mackenzie King from handling the affair privately with the Soviet ambassador, and were likely behind the infamous press leak to US reporter Drew Pearson that forced King to call a Royal Commission and publicize the affair. With the help of the British government and intelligence services, the Cold War began.

Dennis Molinaro

Univeristy of Toronto

Alumnus

My main research interest is on the historical use, and normalization of emergency measures and its effects on society. My recent book examines how Section 98, a copy of wartime legislation designed to curb left-wing activism, became normalized in Canadian society and how political repression and violence were key elements in Canada's development into a nation. I look at key trials of the period and the political deportations that immigrants faced because of Section 98. My current project is an edited collection examining counter-intelligence in the Cold War with contributions from researchers in all the Five Eyes nations. Future research will take a revised look at the early Cold War and the formation of the Five Eyes intelligence community. The research makes use of newly declassified sources and presents a revised look at the Gouzenko Affair and the creation of modern-day surveillance.

Anglo-American Intelligence Relations 1910-1945

Liam O'Brien

More Info: Britain's intelligence agencies predated the American equivalents. This leads to an Anglo dominated intelligence relationship which shifts to American dominated in WWII.

Contents

List of Illustrations PI

Acknowledgements PII

Introduction P1

Chapter One

Personal Relationships P3

Chapter Two- 

Bureaucracy of Intelligence P9

Chapter Three

 Espionage Missions P18

Chapter Four

 Anglo-American Literature P28

Conclusion P36

Bibliography P39

Intelligence and Information in the Espionage Fiction of Dennis Wheatley



Rebecah Pulsifer

Slaney Chadwick Ross

This article examines the spy novels of Dennis Wheatley as exemplars of the desire of espionage fiction to grapple with changing understandings of the role of the individual in the field of intelligence services. Wheatley's crackerjack spy, Gregory Sallust, is adept at both mastering and synthesizing information, and this skill set puts him at odds with prevailing mid-century trends in information theory, which tended to view human intelligence as incapable of effectively analyzing the large amounts of data that technological advances made available for the first time. Wheatley's Sallust, a prototype of James Bond who blends analytical brilliance with intense personality, is a striking example of the ways in which espionage fiction between the wars negotiated a desire to privilege human experience against new understandings of both human intelligence and intelligence gathering.

Forced Labour and Migration to the UK
Study prepared by COMPAS in collaboration with the Trades Union Congress

Bridget Anderson & Ben Rogaly
2009

FOREWORD
Over recent years, there have been many reports in the media of the extreme forms ofexploitation that some migrant workers face in Britain. The TUC has published several accountsitself. This report differs in that the researchers have put this shameful phenomenon into a biggerpicture.They show that the practices used by a minority of employers fall under the internationallyagreed definitions of forced labour, which most people would assume had been banished fromBritain long ago. Far from being restricted to the extreme fringes of the economy, forced labourcan be found at the base of key industries, and goes far beyond the agricultural and sex work withwhich it is normally associated. The authors suggest that the conditions for forced labour arecreated by employer demand for ultra-flexible labour. From the TUC’s point of view, this ismade worse both by the low level of protection that exists in British law for some categories ofworkers – agency workers in particular – and difficulties in enforcing those rights that do exist.As the researchers found people working with authorisation, such as work permit holders, canfind themselves without the means to assert fundamental rights – to be paid what they have beenpromised, or not to have their passports withheld, for example. For those working withoutpermission, the situation is much worse, as their fear of the authorities obliges them to acceptoppressive exploitation. The greater the hostility that migrant workers fear they may encounter,whether from the media, officialdom or politicians, the greater their vulnerability. Expressing orencouraging hostility to the presence of migrants, performing vital roles within our economy,only diminishes their capacity to resist exploitation and plays into the hands of the shadyemployers getting rich on the back of forced labour.Tolerating forced labour is not an option for the trade union movement. We accept ourresponsibility to organise migrant workers and in doing so, enable them to defend themselves. Itis in the interest of everyone at work to maintain decent minimum standards in every workplace,and trade unions can only benefit from reflecting more accurately the diversity to be found in themodern workforce.But to do our job, we need the right tools. As this report reveals even the rights that do exist canbe difficult to enforce. Many people working perfectly legally cannot in practice enforce theirrights, and those whose status may be in doubt are open to the worst kinds of exploitation, yet theemployers who take advantage of this seem almost immune from prosecution. A simpleimmigration control approach does nothing to reduce exploitation as unscrupulous employerssimply take on new workers and exploit them in turn. Only when migrant workers canconfidently claim their rights, including in particular the right to join and participate in a tradeunion, will the demand for vulnerable workers drop. And when everyone at work enjoysminimum standards, there is much less scope for any employer to sow divisions between groupsof workers in order to drive down wages and undermine collective agreements.Migrant workers who enter to work for a specified employer cannot take unfair dismissal claimsin Tribunals without risking finding themselves in breach of immigration rules. In other words,claiming their rights could mean leaving the country (which itself could prevent them frompursuing a claim). Someone working outside the immigration rules (for example an overseas
student working for more than 20 hours per week) is likely to find that they cannot make a claimfor unpaid wages because their employment contract is not judged to be legal. It is far from clearhow employers can be prevented from confiscating passports and identity papers. These gaps inprotection contribute to the forced labour practices identified in this report.The conclusions of the report reflect most of these concerns. Ideas such as extending (andimproving) the protections available to victims of trafficking to those subjected to forced labour,and of giving all workers access to redress for losses and damages imposed by rogue employerswould do much to aid the fight against forced labour. This is a struggle that can only be foughtalongside the workers affected. Interventions from the outside that do not engage migrants andtheir organisations (including of course their unions) cannot hope to succeed.The TUC is very grateful for the work put in by the authors Bridget Anderson and Ben Rogaly.They have produced a valuable report at a time when it is most needed. The TUC would also liketo thank staff at the ILO’s Special Action Programme to Combat Forced Labour for theirassistance and advice, and the many migrant workers, advisors, solicitors, researchers and tradeunionists who assisted the authors in gathering the information included in this report. Thecontent and conclusions of the report, however, are the responsibility of the authors and the TUC.Finally, this report is published a year after the tragedy in Morecambe Bay, when so manymigrant workers needlessly died. If we are to avoid a repetition, we need to consider how theproblems identified can be addressed to the advantage of the workforce as a whole, and how wecan drive forced labour out of Britain for good.Brendan BarberGeneral SecretaryTrades Union Congress