Wednesday, May 20, 2026

Sunlight and Extraction: Batteries, Phosphate, and the Contradictions of Decarbonization 



 May 20, 2026

Photo by ダモ リ

A recent report by energy think tank Ember put forward a spot of good news: renewables surpassed one-third of global electricity generation in 2025, surpassing coal power for the first time in a century. Combined, low-carbon sources (renewables, nuclear) grew faster than demand, resulting in a small fall in fossil fuel generation. Solar alone met 75 percent of the increase in global electricity demand.

This was before the war in Iran, which would certainly seem to accelerate the transition. Of course, the Trump administration, through the Department of Defense, is holding back approval for about 165 onshore wind projects in the U.S.- approval is needed to ensure the projects don’t interfere with radar systems and flight paths (ironic a Republican administration using Big Government to stop landowners from using their property), not to mention reimbursing firms to the tune of $2 billion this year for abandoned offshore wind projects, but reports are that Europe, bitten twice in five years by a war related energy crunch, is buying up things like EVs and heat pumps. Even in cloudy Britain, orders for solar panels from Octopus Energy, the UK’s biggest energy firm, have spiked by 50 percent since the war started.

Pakistan has become an epicenter of solar power. After being locked out of the LNG spot market in the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine solar increased fivefold from 2.9 percent in 2020 to 32.3 percent in 2025, according to Ember. The government still closed schools for two weeks in March to conserve energy due to the Strait of Hormuz shutdown (though the blow has been softened, LNG is still a big factor), but the trend is undeniable.

It is the same story in Lebanon, where there has been about a tenfold increase in installed solar capacity the past few years, most prominently in rural Lebanon, where it has largely replaced a local diesel economy that was long endemic due to the state’s inability to supply consistent electricity. South Africa, long plagued by brownouts, has gone over 300 days without an interruption to its electricity supply. Coal still dominates the country’s energy production but it’s also the fastest-growing solar market in Africa.

There is plenty to work out as far as equality of access and the future of the grid. In all these places, the solar expansion has been less a result of state planning and more a matter of people understandably taking electricity in their own hands (Lebanon saw state collapse in 2021) but, again, the trend is clear. Solar is expected to remain the cheapest form of energy going forward.

EV sales are also spiking globally, with many developing countries such as Vietnam, Thailand, and Indonesia reaching higher EV sales shares than even the EU average. Norway has reached almost total EV adoption and sales in China are now a majority.

With electricity, it becomes a question of batteries. Solar needs battery storage or backup on the grid (hydro, nuclear, or geothermal). ‘Capacity Factor’ is defined by the percentage of the time an energy source can be expected to be available to the grid in relation to its potential maximum capacity. According to the International Energy Agency, on that mark, solar comes in at roughly 23 percent (wind slightly higher at 34 percent). Storage is still in its early days. Ember’s data shows battery additions in 2025 were enough to shift only about 14 percent of new solar generation.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), global lithium-ion battery deployment in 2025 was six times as high as in 2020, with EVs accounting for 70 percent of the total lithium-ion deployment. Energy storage followed at just 15 percent. Portable electronics, which had accounted for nearly half the demand in 2015, fell below five percent.

Given that Chinese companies are dominating EV sales, their main battery of choice, Lithium Iron Phosphate (LFP), has exploded in recent years. LFP has a lower price tag (it is also safer, though not as energy dense), and costs fell by 15 percent last year compared with 5 percent for Nickel Manganese Cobalt (NMC), the second most used battery. LFP accounts for just over half of EV batteries and over 90 percent of energy storage. NMC dominated EV battery production in the 2010s and is still used in plenty of EVs, including longer-range Tesla models and the Chevy Bolt. General Motors is planning to introduce lithium manganese-rich (LMR) battery cells in its largest electric vehicles starting sometime in 2028. Sodium-ion batteries are being explored as an alternative to lithium (lithium is quite abundant but sodium is everywhere- about 1000 times more abundant). Solid-state batteries hold the promise of being safer and far more energy-dense but have been plagued by cracking that causes short circuits.  A majority of consumer electronics still use Lithium Cobalt Oxide (LCO).

LFP has been intriguing in some circles given that they are supposed to be less dependent on problematic materials such as cobalt, most of which comes from the Democratic Republic of Congo where conditions and artisanal child mining have drawn much scrutiny, and nickel, which is nasty to process. More than half the world’s nickel currently comes from Indonesia. In an understandable move toward resource nationalism that we’re bound to see more of, a few years ago, the Indonesian government mandated that all nickel mined in the country must be processed there. As production there has more than doubled in the past few years, waste from the industry,particularly on the island of Sulawesi, has decimated local fishing and deforestation has increased erosion and the risk of flash floods.

While energy has absorbed most of the attention from the Strait of Hormuz shutdown, fertilizer prices haven’t been far behind. Recently, U.S. Senator Roger Marshall of Kansas endorsed legislation to eliminate import tariffs on phosphate from Morocco. The tariffs were put in place five years ago, set at 19.97 percent (since lowered to 2.1 percent this past January) in response to a domestic fertilizer manufacturer’s complaint about unfair competition from subsidized, low-price imports. The proposed repeal has the backing of all the major farm lobbying groups.

Why Morocco? Because Morocco holds about 70 percent of global phosphate reserves and phosphate is a key ingredient in most fertilizers. Morocco is the world’s second biggest exporter behind only China. Morocco’s government has long been seen as decent, at least by Middle East standards, though King Mohammad VI holds plenty of power, but there is a place called Western Sahara. Back in 1975, as Spain’s colonial government was negotiating a withdrawal from the territory, Morocco moved in. King Hassan II sent 350,000 of his subjects across the border along with thousands of soldiers, against the local Sahrawi resistance. It was a lopsided fight as the Sahrawi numbered somewhere between fifty and one hundred thousand, half of whom fled for makeshift tent cities in Algeria. A low-intensity war burned through the 1980s, with 10,000-20,000 killed, until a UN-brokered ceasefire in 1991 left Morocco with two-thirds of the territory. A pending referendum never came and the UN still labels Western Sahara as a ‘non-self-governing territory in the process of decolonization.’

The occupied territory contains the Bou Craa Mine, which may hold up to 10 percent of Morocco’s phosphate production. The mine features the world’s longest conveyor belt, at 61 miles (large enough to see from space), that ships the mine’s phosphate out to sea. Activists, including Aminatou Haider, a Sahrawi who spent four years blindfolded in a Moroccan jail (she was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007), have done a great job in lobbying many importers to boycott phosphate from Bou Craa (but not Morocco proper) but the point is we are a long way from clean supply chains. As we work to decarbonize our frontlines, we cannot overlook the underbelly of the energy transition.

The great science fiction writer Isaac Asimov may not have been completely prescient but he was still insightful when he wrote in 1974:

“Life can multiply until all the phosphorus is gone and then there is an inexorable halt which nothing can prevent…We may be able to substitute nuclear power for coal power, and plastics for wood, and yeast for meat, and friendliness for isolation- but for phosphorus there is neither substitute nor replacement.”

Well, at least minimizing single-use plastics would be nice. As for phosphate, it doesn’t appear to be running out any time soon. A few years ago, the U.S. Geological Survey put global phosphate reserves at 300 billion tons, sufficient for more than 1000 years at the current rate of extraction (other surveys have it at centuries’ worth). EV batteries, for now, are hardly putting a dent in phosphate supply.

Of course, there are plenty of other issues. In his book The Devil’s Element: Phosphorous and A World Out of Balance, Dan Egan gives a thorough account of the toxic blooms and dead zones in the world’s waterways. Vaclav Smil points out that the worldwide efficiency of nitrogen fertilizer uptake by crops has actually declined to less than 50 percent- meaning the rest is lost to the environment. This can be improved. Diets can be modified to eat less meat, policies that close agricultural exceptions in environmental regulations and impose taxes that force producers to internalize cost of production currently borne by society writ large would help. Meanwhile, more public funding can go into alternative proteins and scaling up lab-grown meat. We can’t forget that global warming is about more than just electricity. Even at a moment when the profits of Saudi Aramco and BP are sky-high, glimmers of hope are everywhere. There remains much to be done.

Joseph Grosso is a librarian and writer in New York City. He is the author of Emerald City: How Capital Transformed New York (Zer0 Books).

Why It’s Essential to Fix the USMC

May 20, 2026

Photograph Source: The White House – Public Domain

Nancy Duran Rodriguez took several pairs of work gloves to Mexico in 2025, intending to hand them out as a goodwill gesture to fellow union workers she met there.

But Duran Rodriguez, a member of United Steelworkers (USW) Local 6787 in Burns Harbor, Indiana, discovered that some of her Mexican counterparts lacked even the most basic personal protective equipment to guard against heat, toxins, jagged objects, and other risks on the job.

Grateful workers there saw the gloves as a godsend, not souvenirs.

It’s a sobering reminder of how corporations continue to exploit Mexico’s low wages, poor working conditions, and lax enforcement of labor laws to oppress working families on both sides of the border.

Fortunately, we have an opportunity to change this. The USW, other unions, and our allies are pushing for meaningful improvements to the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the trade pact subject to “joint review” and modification by all three countries this summer.

The six-year-old USMCA replaced the disastrous North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which emboldened greedy companies to abandon U.S. factories, shift hundreds of thousands of jobs to Mexico, and hollow out our manufacturing communities.

Although it represented a step forward, the USMCA has so far failed to end this race to the bottom. Employers keep ditching America and moving jobs to Mexico. Employers go right on victimizing Mexican workers, who still make a fraction of Americans’ wages and who still fight to form real, independent unions and stay safe on the job, even though the USMCA officially extended protections they never had before.

“They deserve the things we do,” said Duran Rodriguez, noting mill workers there make hundreds less per day doing the same jobs that Local 6787 members perform at the Cleveland-Cliffs complex in Burns Harbor.

“It’s not enough. They’re living day by day, just to be able to make it. It is definitely a struggle. It is something that needs to change,” she said, pointing out that lifting up Mexican workers, a key objective in the USMCA, remains the only way to end offshoring and bring prosperity to workers in all three countries.

Every April, the USW sends a delegation to Lázaro Cárdenas on Mexico’s Pacific coast to build on our decades-long alliance with Los Mineros, the Mexican mine and metal workers union.

After learning about shortages of personal protective equipment in 2025, Duran Rodriguez took only four outfits and filled the rest of her suitcase with gloves to distribute during her return trip with other USW members in April 2026.

These visits build cross-border solidarity, as Duran Rodriguez’s experience showed, and they include many inspiring moments, such as our annual march to remember two striking members of Los Mineros gunned down by police in 2006. Workers began the strike following a coal mine explosion that killed 65 coworkers and exposed the reprehensible disregard for safety in Mexican mines.

“It pumps you up,” Steven Minchuk, an assistant griever and safety trainer for Local 6787, said of the energy unleashed by the marches.

“They never forget,” Minchuk observed of the Mexican workers. “They keep fighting for their rights.”

The impact of worker exploitation touches many aspects of life in Mexico, depriving families not only of the means to support themselves but also to build healthier, more livable communities.

“It’s a whole different world,” observed Minchuk, a former firefighter and fire commissioner who once toured a Mexican fire station and walked away dismayed by what he saw. “The equipment that they had was comparable to ours in the 1960s and 1970s.”

The USMCA portended a hard break with all of this. That’s because the USW and our allies, such as then-U.S. Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio, successfully fought to include pro-worker provisions in the final version of the agreement.

It required Mexico to pass a law affording workers the right to form the democratic, independent unions needed to negotiate better wages, win safer working conditions, and curb U.S. employers’ appetite for offshoring.

The USMCA also established a Rapid Response Labor Mechanism to investigate retaliation against union activists and punish violators. It set rules to keep other countries, such as China, from sneaking unfairly traded products into the U.S. via sham operations in Mexico.

But Mexico failed to hold up its end of the deal for political, financial, and logistical reasons. Just as disappointing, America and Canada failed to step into the breach and keep progress on track.

Now, as part of the USMCA review process, it’s essential to ramp up enforcement of labor laws in Mexico, to commit more resources to stamping out anti-union harassment and to deter would-be violators with swift, severe penalties.

But the review also needs to go beyond steps to safeguard rights and boost wages. It’s just as important to address Mexico’s lax environmental standards, which draw employers happy to do an end run around the more stringent regulations in America and Canada.

The USW and our allies will spend the next few months pushing officials in all three countries to adopt a more robust, effective USMCA.

Given the high stakes, there’s no breaking our will to see this through. It’s a battle that’s pumping all of us up.

“I believe every worker deserves the same protections, benefits, and dignity,” said Minchuk, noting he has a friend in Mexico who works three jobs to make ends meet. “No one should have to risk their well-being simply to provide for the people they love.”

This article was produced by the Independent Media Institute

Roxanne D. Brown is the international president of the United Steelworkers Union (USW).