June 1, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.
(Photo: Christian Jungeblodt)
Germany’s unions are afraid of being infiltrated by AfD members. A recent case from the city of Hanover is currently pre-occupying many in Germany’s union movement.
In that case, a local AfD apparatchik who was elected to the local city council has also been running for the works council of a local waste disposal company [Abfallentsorger Aha].
In the works council election, the AfD man – Jens Keller – received the most votes from his staff. He is also an active member of Germany’s public service union Ver.di.
Yet, the union wants nothing to do with the neofascist AfD. It prefers to expel the right garbage worker and AfD apparatchik from the union. But stripping the AfD operative of his union membership turns out to be rather complicated. Many German trade unions are currently struggling with similar cases.
Some workers have even elected colleagues who express the racism of the AfD. Unions fear that migrant employees might be insulted, and minorities are discriminated against once there are AfD-members elected to works councils.
Such an AfD-influenced workplace would be defined by setting “them” (non-Germans) against us (Germans). Such a workplace climate might well be characterized by right-wing populist slogans, hate speech, and far-right conspiracy fantasies like the great reset.
Meanwhile, German trade unions’ works council representatives have set the limits of what can be said on factory premises, workplaces, and warehouses. The strategy is to prevent workplace from shifting to the far right. Increasingly, people who suffer from racism and discrimination turn to trade unions asking for help and support.
Worse, right-wing ideologies are an ever-increasing problem in many German companies. It is no longer a marginal problem.
The public service union Ver.di has already hired a special assistant for the former East-German states of Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia to help. Many trade unions are also offering training courses on how best to deal with workplace racism.
The police union’s Jochen Kopelke recently argued that his union empowers its members by giving them arguments against the far-right. Meanwhile, the IG Metall union, too, recognizes that right-wing ideas have become a problem in many companies and that unions have to counteract that.
In accordance with the progressive and human rights tradition, unions credibly warn against racism, intolerance and far-right ideologies.
Unions openly and directly attack the AfD as the party-political embodiment of a far-right state of mind. Other social institutions in Germany are also gearing up against the AfD.
Germany’s churches, for example, have recently, and very publicly distanced themselves from the AfD calling on their members to leave the party. Even the powerful corporate lobbying institution “BDI” argues against the AfD outlining the AfD’s suicidal plan to leave the EU and Euro.
Virtually all of Germany’s democratic society agree that strong worded declarations against the AfD are necessary. Germany’s churches, for example, prefer to kick out believers of far-right ideologies as these contradict their Christian and humanitarian values. Germany’s churches fight those who are AfD members and are spreading their neofascist ideologies.
Historically, it is nothing new. Fascist has often pretended to be on the side of workers. Hitler’s Nazis of the 1930s even featured the word “socialism” in its party name while – once in power – killing thousands of socialists and trade unionists.
Today, the AfD, too, is celebrating itself as a new “workers’ party.” Interestingly, both – Germany’s trade unions and the AfD – have rather similar “social markers”. Both are dominated by male, middle-aged, skilled, and unskilled workers. Seemingly, this is where both groups overlap.
Yet, nobody really knows exactly how many AfD supporters trade unions have in their ranks. Unions tend not to conduct a “mindset test” among their millions of members. A second problem is that it would not be easy to force union members to disclose their political party affiliation.
The third problem is that while being deeply anti-democratic, the neofascist AfD is not yet officially banned. This makes it more difficult to exclude union members who support the AfD.
In the case of Germany’s police union, for example, membership numbers have recently increased. The GdP is now Germany’s fifth largest union. The union has received a lot of praise from its members, from the media and from society for its “clear line against the right”.
Yet, it seems inevitable to find unionists – like those organized in the GdP – supporting the AfD. Already in Germany’s federal election (2021), 12.2% of the union members gave their vote to the AfD. Yet, the AfD only received 10.3% in overall support.
Among such support for the AfD, there is a marked gender gap. Among the female unionists, support for the AfD was 8.3% while for male unionists it was 14.6%.
In other words, a high proportion of workers can be found to support the AfD. These AfD supporters can be characterized by poorer working conditions, a lack of recognition, low trust in institutions and a relatively high degree of anxiety and stress compared to voters of democratic parties.
Many of these union members and AfD voters show a belief in xenophobic ideologies while also supporting the restriction of immigration. Both have become priorities for many of them.
Meanwhile on the institutional side, right-wing groups are still a rather marginal phenomenon in one of Germany’s most important workplace institutions: works councils.
This can indeed be seen as a success for trade unions. Right-wing influence has – so far – been kept within limits.
Yet, companies can also be catalysts for right-wing mobilization. Workplaces can be a location where shady right-wing mobilization collides with democratic political activities often organized by trade unions. This is not restricted to workplaces.
In the realm of politics, the wave of anti-right and anti-AfD rallies that soared through Germany during early 2024 is undoubtedly an encouragement for trade unions.
Yet, the immediate impact of these mass rallies remains uncertain. The AfD seems to have been pushed back – from polling just above 20% in voter support (2023) to a 16% to 18% range (mid-May 2024).
On this, trade unions think that this optimism needs to be stabilized – even if the results at the ballot box should not turn out as hoped. Elections are scheduled for June (EU parliament), and September (three states in the former East-Germany) and many expect – despite the mass rallies against the AfD – to make substantial gains.
In all of this, trade unions distinguish between short-term activities and long-term strategies against the AfD. Next to parliamentarian elections, trade unions are also facing virtually the same task inside companies and in works council elections.
Much of this is about combating the slowly but steady spreading of right-wing ideologies even into companies and workplaces.
One of the most prominent examples is the so-called “Zentrum” (center) – a right-wing extremist association affiliated with the AfD. Deceptively called “Zentrum Automobil” and in operation since 2009, it has been competing in works council elections – nationwide but mainly in the automotive industry.
Although the Zentrum has been able to win seats at works councils in past elections, the Zentrum and adjacent right-wing associations are far from reflecting the AfD’s election successes.
Currently, the Zentrum and its bedfellows are targeting other industries, and they are also trying to gain a foothold in the social and health sector.
To contain right-wing forces inside companies and to convince colleagues to stand up for anti-fascist and solidarity-based solutions, the IG Metall union also supports the “Association for the Preservation of Democracy“.
The VBD is tasked with analyzing and mobilization of workers inside companies and to develop approaches for trade unions for “right-wing de-mobilization”.
Unions agree that all this must begin at the causes of discrimination, individual devaluation, dehumanization, and racial insults. This means the empowerment of workers which will – almost by definition – collide with the incapacitation of employees based on asymmetrical and hierarchical power relations inside capitalist companies.
When corporate management structurally and deliberately disempowers workers in everyday working life – often through the use of authoritarian corporate structures, deceptive corporate communication and management control – the formation of pro-active attitudes and democratic behaviors needed to fight the radical right are blocked.
This works the other way around as well. In companies where participation and collective co-determination achieves success, self-esteem, a willingness to take care of others and commitment grow.
In short, the more positive and successful democracy and commitment are perceived in companies, the lower the tendency to devalue others and to turn to right-wing ideologies.
Such a commitment to active democracy – both inside and outside of companies – will work towards the demobilization of the far-right. Obviously, what happens inside companies cannot be separated from social and political developments in the public sphere.
No less urgent are measures against the electoral successes of the parliamentary arm of Germany’s far-right: the AfD. The clear and present danger to democracy and to workplaces is real and imminent.
Still, much of this is not too likely to affect the upcoming state elections in Thuringia, Brandenburg and Saxony.
The unions’ most minimum goal is that the AfD is not getting involved in any state government. Unions do not want state governments making themselves indebted to the ideological whims of the rather dubious and deceitful AfD.
If the AfD were to get into a state government, the AfD and its far-right as well as neo-Nazi supporters will take advantage of additional state resources. As Hitler’s propaganda minister – Joseph Goebbels – once said,
“We are entering the Reichstag, in order that we may arm ourselves with the weapons of democracy from its arsenal. We shall become Reichstag deputies in order that the Weimar ideology should itself help us to destroy it.”
To achieve this aim, the AfD and its far-right apparatchiks – once in government – will gain access to areas of influence and will also have the opportunity to shape official policies.
Worse, they will be able to fill public offices with right-wing extremists. They will also be able to block parliamentary proceedings and cut funding for projects that further democracy as well as slashing funding for Holocaust education and memorials.
Beyond such electoral goals, the aim of many trade union initiatives against the AfD is to prevent people whose worldviews are not yet firmly locked in right-wing thought patterns from electing the AfD. Of course, it would be preferable if undecided and potential voters of the AfD be convinced to vote for democratic parties.
The demobilization of the far-right camp, as far as possible, is the order of the day. Every vote that does not strengthen right-wing is a good vote – even if it ends up in the trash.
The task is to move from right-wing anger to courage. In the medium term, union policies are also about integrating social groups that have not yet been reached into the mobilization of social progress in companies and in society.
In other words, the battle Rosa Luxemburg was fighting (1914-1918) is still not won. This is the battle between “class” vs. “nationalism”. In 1914 Luxemburg lost that battle.
Nationalism won and millions were killed on the altar of ultra-nationalistic ideologies. In 1933, unions lost again and even more millions had to die on the altar of the worst form of nationalism the world has ever seen: Hitler’s Nazism.
In the long term, there is no way for Germany’s progressive and democratic forces – including trade unions – to avoid problematizing such ideologies as well as the structurally fragile relationship between corporate capitalism and democracy.
A neoliberal-economic development model such as capitalism inevitably and repeatedly produces economic losers. It also manufactures corporate-managerial minorities that can dominate society because of their – largely uncontrolled – access to the media and power.
Such a model will not be able to shake off the temptation of authoritarian strategies to deal with the frequent crisis of capitalism. It is not about human values, democracy and morality. As German philosopher Max Horkheimer said in 1939,
if you do not want to talk about capitalism
you should also keep silent about fascism.
Beyond all that, a kind of “double strategy” of a “clear line” against the AfD and an “open door” policy to return people back into Germany’s democratic society could promise positive outcomes: A Clear Position: a “strong union policy” for an aggressive and confrontation strategy against those who carry right-wing populist ideologies like the AfD inside companies and in society.
Open-Door Policy: this means an open door offering to participate in company-internal and societal counter-far-right movements for those who have been made to feel insecure and angry. This Union strategy seeks to reintegrate them back into the realm of solidarity, the common interest of all workers and progressive projects.
Such a union strategy is not about simply “picking up” those who are called “angry citizens” – the infamous Wutbürgber – through seemingly “programmatic concessions”.
This has been done by conservatives and liberals – sometimes to the point of self-denial. Making concessions to Wutbürger may well be a failed strategy that might even have strengthens those on the far-right side of politics.
Instead of this, a potentially more successful union strategy is about an offer to participate in an inclusive, solidarity-based and participatory policy that promises democratic solutions to problems.
Still, ideological attachments and consent to right-wing worldviews do not just “run above one’s head” (read: being theoretical issue). Hence, union counterstrategies need to respond to this directly through support for an increase in minimum wage, strengthening collective bargaining, and workers’ democracy.This would mean bringing the democratic movement into the world of work in the form of workplace and industrial democracy and into people’s everyday lives in the form of participatory democracy. This uses democracy to fight the anti-democratic forces of the AfD.
ZNetwork is funded solely through the generosity of its readers. DONATE
Thomas Klikauer has over 800 publications (including 12 books) and writes regularly for BraveNewEurope (Western Europe), the Barricades (Eastern Europe), Buzzflash (USA), Counterpunch (USA), Countercurrents (India), Tikkun (USA), and ZNet (USA). One of his books is on Managerialism (2013).
(Photo: Christian Jungeblodt)
Germany’s unions are afraid of being infiltrated by AfD members. A recent case from the city of Hanover is currently pre-occupying many in Germany’s union movement.
In that case, a local AfD apparatchik who was elected to the local city council has also been running for the works council of a local waste disposal company [Abfallentsorger Aha].
In the works council election, the AfD man – Jens Keller – received the most votes from his staff. He is also an active member of Germany’s public service union Ver.di.
Yet, the union wants nothing to do with the neofascist AfD. It prefers to expel the right garbage worker and AfD apparatchik from the union. But stripping the AfD operative of his union membership turns out to be rather complicated. Many German trade unions are currently struggling with similar cases.
Some workers have even elected colleagues who express the racism of the AfD. Unions fear that migrant employees might be insulted, and minorities are discriminated against once there are AfD-members elected to works councils.
Such an AfD-influenced workplace would be defined by setting “them” (non-Germans) against us (Germans). Such a workplace climate might well be characterized by right-wing populist slogans, hate speech, and far-right conspiracy fantasies like the great reset.
Meanwhile, German trade unions’ works council representatives have set the limits of what can be said on factory premises, workplaces, and warehouses. The strategy is to prevent workplace from shifting to the far right. Increasingly, people who suffer from racism and discrimination turn to trade unions asking for help and support.
Worse, right-wing ideologies are an ever-increasing problem in many German companies. It is no longer a marginal problem.
The public service union Ver.di has already hired a special assistant for the former East-German states of Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia to help. Many trade unions are also offering training courses on how best to deal with workplace racism.
The police union’s Jochen Kopelke recently argued that his union empowers its members by giving them arguments against the far-right. Meanwhile, the IG Metall union, too, recognizes that right-wing ideas have become a problem in many companies and that unions have to counteract that.
In accordance with the progressive and human rights tradition, unions credibly warn against racism, intolerance and far-right ideologies.
Unions openly and directly attack the AfD as the party-political embodiment of a far-right state of mind. Other social institutions in Germany are also gearing up against the AfD.
Germany’s churches, for example, have recently, and very publicly distanced themselves from the AfD calling on their members to leave the party. Even the powerful corporate lobbying institution “BDI” argues against the AfD outlining the AfD’s suicidal plan to leave the EU and Euro.
Virtually all of Germany’s democratic society agree that strong worded declarations against the AfD are necessary. Germany’s churches, for example, prefer to kick out believers of far-right ideologies as these contradict their Christian and humanitarian values. Germany’s churches fight those who are AfD members and are spreading their neofascist ideologies.
Historically, it is nothing new. Fascist has often pretended to be on the side of workers. Hitler’s Nazis of the 1930s even featured the word “socialism” in its party name while – once in power – killing thousands of socialists and trade unionists.
Today, the AfD, too, is celebrating itself as a new “workers’ party.” Interestingly, both – Germany’s trade unions and the AfD – have rather similar “social markers”. Both are dominated by male, middle-aged, skilled, and unskilled workers. Seemingly, this is where both groups overlap.
Yet, nobody really knows exactly how many AfD supporters trade unions have in their ranks. Unions tend not to conduct a “mindset test” among their millions of members. A second problem is that it would not be easy to force union members to disclose their political party affiliation.
The third problem is that while being deeply anti-democratic, the neofascist AfD is not yet officially banned. This makes it more difficult to exclude union members who support the AfD.
In the case of Germany’s police union, for example, membership numbers have recently increased. The GdP is now Germany’s fifth largest union. The union has received a lot of praise from its members, from the media and from society for its “clear line against the right”.
Yet, it seems inevitable to find unionists – like those organized in the GdP – supporting the AfD. Already in Germany’s federal election (2021), 12.2% of the union members gave their vote to the AfD. Yet, the AfD only received 10.3% in overall support.
Among such support for the AfD, there is a marked gender gap. Among the female unionists, support for the AfD was 8.3% while for male unionists it was 14.6%.
In other words, a high proportion of workers can be found to support the AfD. These AfD supporters can be characterized by poorer working conditions, a lack of recognition, low trust in institutions and a relatively high degree of anxiety and stress compared to voters of democratic parties.
Many of these union members and AfD voters show a belief in xenophobic ideologies while also supporting the restriction of immigration. Both have become priorities for many of them.
Meanwhile on the institutional side, right-wing groups are still a rather marginal phenomenon in one of Germany’s most important workplace institutions: works councils.
This can indeed be seen as a success for trade unions. Right-wing influence has – so far – been kept within limits.
Yet, companies can also be catalysts for right-wing mobilization. Workplaces can be a location where shady right-wing mobilization collides with democratic political activities often organized by trade unions. This is not restricted to workplaces.
In the realm of politics, the wave of anti-right and anti-AfD rallies that soared through Germany during early 2024 is undoubtedly an encouragement for trade unions.
Yet, the immediate impact of these mass rallies remains uncertain. The AfD seems to have been pushed back – from polling just above 20% in voter support (2023) to a 16% to 18% range (mid-May 2024).
On this, trade unions think that this optimism needs to be stabilized – even if the results at the ballot box should not turn out as hoped. Elections are scheduled for June (EU parliament), and September (three states in the former East-Germany) and many expect – despite the mass rallies against the AfD – to make substantial gains.
In all of this, trade unions distinguish between short-term activities and long-term strategies against the AfD. Next to parliamentarian elections, trade unions are also facing virtually the same task inside companies and in works council elections.
Much of this is about combating the slowly but steady spreading of right-wing ideologies even into companies and workplaces.
One of the most prominent examples is the so-called “Zentrum” (center) – a right-wing extremist association affiliated with the AfD. Deceptively called “Zentrum Automobil” and in operation since 2009, it has been competing in works council elections – nationwide but mainly in the automotive industry.
Although the Zentrum has been able to win seats at works councils in past elections, the Zentrum and adjacent right-wing associations are far from reflecting the AfD’s election successes.
Currently, the Zentrum and its bedfellows are targeting other industries, and they are also trying to gain a foothold in the social and health sector.
To contain right-wing forces inside companies and to convince colleagues to stand up for anti-fascist and solidarity-based solutions, the IG Metall union also supports the “Association for the Preservation of Democracy“.
The VBD is tasked with analyzing and mobilization of workers inside companies and to develop approaches for trade unions for “right-wing de-mobilization”.
Unions agree that all this must begin at the causes of discrimination, individual devaluation, dehumanization, and racial insults. This means the empowerment of workers which will – almost by definition – collide with the incapacitation of employees based on asymmetrical and hierarchical power relations inside capitalist companies.
When corporate management structurally and deliberately disempowers workers in everyday working life – often through the use of authoritarian corporate structures, deceptive corporate communication and management control – the formation of pro-active attitudes and democratic behaviors needed to fight the radical right are blocked.
This works the other way around as well. In companies where participation and collective co-determination achieves success, self-esteem, a willingness to take care of others and commitment grow.
In short, the more positive and successful democracy and commitment are perceived in companies, the lower the tendency to devalue others and to turn to right-wing ideologies.
Such a commitment to active democracy – both inside and outside of companies – will work towards the demobilization of the far-right. Obviously, what happens inside companies cannot be separated from social and political developments in the public sphere.
No less urgent are measures against the electoral successes of the parliamentary arm of Germany’s far-right: the AfD. The clear and present danger to democracy and to workplaces is real and imminent.
Still, much of this is not too likely to affect the upcoming state elections in Thuringia, Brandenburg and Saxony.
The unions’ most minimum goal is that the AfD is not getting involved in any state government. Unions do not want state governments making themselves indebted to the ideological whims of the rather dubious and deceitful AfD.
If the AfD were to get into a state government, the AfD and its far-right as well as neo-Nazi supporters will take advantage of additional state resources. As Hitler’s propaganda minister – Joseph Goebbels – once said,
“We are entering the Reichstag, in order that we may arm ourselves with the weapons of democracy from its arsenal. We shall become Reichstag deputies in order that the Weimar ideology should itself help us to destroy it.”
To achieve this aim, the AfD and its far-right apparatchiks – once in government – will gain access to areas of influence and will also have the opportunity to shape official policies.
Worse, they will be able to fill public offices with right-wing extremists. They will also be able to block parliamentary proceedings and cut funding for projects that further democracy as well as slashing funding for Holocaust education and memorials.
Beyond such electoral goals, the aim of many trade union initiatives against the AfD is to prevent people whose worldviews are not yet firmly locked in right-wing thought patterns from electing the AfD. Of course, it would be preferable if undecided and potential voters of the AfD be convinced to vote for democratic parties.
The demobilization of the far-right camp, as far as possible, is the order of the day. Every vote that does not strengthen right-wing is a good vote – even if it ends up in the trash.
The task is to move from right-wing anger to courage. In the medium term, union policies are also about integrating social groups that have not yet been reached into the mobilization of social progress in companies and in society.
In other words, the battle Rosa Luxemburg was fighting (1914-1918) is still not won. This is the battle between “class” vs. “nationalism”. In 1914 Luxemburg lost that battle.
Nationalism won and millions were killed on the altar of ultra-nationalistic ideologies. In 1933, unions lost again and even more millions had to die on the altar of the worst form of nationalism the world has ever seen: Hitler’s Nazism.
In the long term, there is no way for Germany’s progressive and democratic forces – including trade unions – to avoid problematizing such ideologies as well as the structurally fragile relationship between corporate capitalism and democracy.
A neoliberal-economic development model such as capitalism inevitably and repeatedly produces economic losers. It also manufactures corporate-managerial minorities that can dominate society because of their – largely uncontrolled – access to the media and power.
Such a model will not be able to shake off the temptation of authoritarian strategies to deal with the frequent crisis of capitalism. It is not about human values, democracy and morality. As German philosopher Max Horkheimer said in 1939,
if you do not want to talk about capitalism
you should also keep silent about fascism.
Beyond all that, a kind of “double strategy” of a “clear line” against the AfD and an “open door” policy to return people back into Germany’s democratic society could promise positive outcomes: A Clear Position: a “strong union policy” for an aggressive and confrontation strategy against those who carry right-wing populist ideologies like the AfD inside companies and in society.
Open-Door Policy: this means an open door offering to participate in company-internal and societal counter-far-right movements for those who have been made to feel insecure and angry. This Union strategy seeks to reintegrate them back into the realm of solidarity, the common interest of all workers and progressive projects.
Such a union strategy is not about simply “picking up” those who are called “angry citizens” – the infamous Wutbürgber – through seemingly “programmatic concessions”.
This has been done by conservatives and liberals – sometimes to the point of self-denial. Making concessions to Wutbürger may well be a failed strategy that might even have strengthens those on the far-right side of politics.
Instead of this, a potentially more successful union strategy is about an offer to participate in an inclusive, solidarity-based and participatory policy that promises democratic solutions to problems.
Still, ideological attachments and consent to right-wing worldviews do not just “run above one’s head” (read: being theoretical issue). Hence, union counterstrategies need to respond to this directly through support for an increase in minimum wage, strengthening collective bargaining, and workers’ democracy.This would mean bringing the democratic movement into the world of work in the form of workplace and industrial democracy and into people’s everyday lives in the form of participatory democracy. This uses democracy to fight the anti-democratic forces of the AfD.
ZNetwork is funded solely through the generosity of its readers. DONATE
Thomas Klikauer has over 800 publications (including 12 books) and writes regularly for BraveNewEurope (Western Europe), the Barricades (Eastern Europe), Buzzflash (USA), Counterpunch (USA), Countercurrents (India), Tikkun (USA), and ZNet (USA). One of his books is on Managerialism (2013).
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