Eleven days that rocked South Korea: Analysing Yoon’s failed self-coup and the 2024 candlelight revolution

By Won Youngsu

Published 19 December, 2024

Eleven historic days of popular struggle between President Yoon Suk-yeol’s failed self-coup on December 3 and his impeachment on December 14 sealed Yoon’s fate. Yoon’s impeachment represents a tremendous triumph of people power amid a slow-motion political suicide committed by reactionary conservatives who have dominated national politics for more than seven decades.

Parliament has voted for impeachment, now the Constitutional Court must deliver its final verdict. There will be a presidential election next spring and Yoon’s People Power Party (PPP) will be thrown out of office for choosing to betray the people.

Liberals: A problem, not a solution

How was it that a maverick reactionary such as Yoon could even be elected? How did this prosecutor-turned-politician become a viable option for conservatives? The answer can be found in the failures of the liberal Moon Jae-in government, which emerged out of an historic popular struggle: the 2016 candlelight revolution that led to the impeachment of then-president Park Geun-hye.

Yoon’s 2022 election was due to the liberals’ failure to deepen democracy and deliver social reform. The Moon government’s achievements were meager, causing the Democratic Party (DP) to lose voters’ hearts and minds and, eventually, government.

The DP recovered its vote in elections in April with a huge victory, obtaining 180 out of 300 seats in parliament (the PPP only won 108). This result, however, was due more to Yoon’s poor performance and the various scandals engulfing him and his wife, along with PPP factional infighting, than anything to do with the DP.

DP MPs, together with those from smaller parties and parliamentary staffers, held back troops from entering parliament when Yoon declared martial law on December 3. They also voted for his impeachment. However, from day one to 11, the people were the key protagonists with their candlelight protests.

Behind the self-coup

There were surreal scenes on December 3, as elite army troops in helicopters and armed vehicles invaded parliament at heart-breaking speed. Yoon’s hope was that through shock and awe, his self-coup could succeed.

As events unfolded, many began to ask how soldiers emerged out of nowhere so quickly? What was the emergency? Why was martial law being declared? Why was Yoon attempting a self-coup? No one seemed to have answers. Within a few hours, the opposition passed a parliamentary motion annulling martial law. Only after did the truth start coming out, with new facts emerging daily, even if many details remain unclear.

Yoon planned and organised the self-coup himself. Defense minister Kim Yong Hyun was a key ringleader, commanding generals from the counter-intelligence brigade, special forces and the capital’s defense brigade to order their troops to participate. Under the command of Yoon and Kim, the generals mobilised more than 1500 troops, targeting parliament, the National Election Committee (NEC) and a polling firm linked to an anti-government YouTuber.

Counter-intelligence unit commander Yeo In-hyeong handed his troops a list of those to be arrested. It included DP leader Lee Jae-myeong, other opposition leaders and, surprisingly, PPP leader Han Dong-hoon. Shocked, Han quickly turned on Yoon when this came to light. The list of 14 people also included two retired Supreme Court justices, a civil society movement leader, the aforementioned YouTuber, and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) president.

The coup plotting triumvirate — Yoon, Kim and Yeo — are alumni of Chug-am High School, a renowned private high school. Kim and Yeo are now in custody. It is surely only a matter of time before Yoon joins his old school friends and co-conspirators there.

PPP: Slow suicide amid turmoil

In response to Yoon’s self-coup, the PPP chose the path of slow political suicide. Han and his faction within the PPP initially voted with the opposition to annul martial law. But PPP parliamentary leader Joo Ho-gyeong ensured party MPs sabotaged the first impeachment vote by walking out of parliament on December 7.

Han’s position remained ambiguous throughout, shifting between support and opposition to impeachment. Shortly after martial law was annulled, Han said he opposed impeachment. But he changed his mind after discovering he was on the arrest list, and for the next few days sought to convince the PPP to change its anti-impeachment policy. Ultimately, only seven PPP MPs stayed in parliament to vote for impeachment on December 7.

The PPP showed itself to be a fortress of reactionary conservatism. Right to the end, most PPP MPs preferred trying to save Yoon — and themselves — over democracy. When the second impeachment vote was held, 85 PPP MPs stood steadfast with Yoon, while only 12 voted for impeachment (three abstained and eight cast null votes). Combined with the opposition, however, this was enough to obtain the two-thirds required.

The national and international media criticised Yoon’s self-coup from the start. The United States and European governments also issued critical statements. China and North Korea, on the other hand, remained silent. Yet despite enormous domestic and international pressure, the PPP stubbornly resisted.

As it slowly committed political suicide, PPP reactionary hardliners sought out scapegoats, pouring scorn on Han and his pro-impeachment colleagues. Han eventually resigned as party leader on December 16. The internal disputes over impeachment have proved that the party is not just a bunch of reactionary thugs but, contrary to its name, it is an enemy of the people and democracy. Popular judgement awaits them.

Taegeukgi against impeachment

The Taegeukgi is the national flag of the Republic of Korea (South Korea’s official name). Coup supporters, predominantly composed of extreme right-wing fringe groups and Christian fundamentalists, converted the flag into a symbol of their protests, which became a common feature at anti-impeachment rallies that marched under the slogan “martial law is right”. The Taegeukgi could sometimes be seen accompanied by the Israeli flags. Most Koreans could not see the connection, but Christian fundamentalists see Jerusalem and Israel as their spiritual home.

Quasi-fascist Taegeukgi squads first emerged in opposition to the candlelight protests against Park in 2016. Together with intellectuals of the New Right, these ardent supporters of the anti-Communist Syngman Rhee and Park Chung-hee dictatorships have adopted pro-US and pro-Japanese positions. During the Moon government, the New Right and Taegeukgi squads sought to stoke up anti-Communist sentiment.

These forces hold significant ideological influence within the PPP, despite the party officially keeping its distance from such extremists. Many PPP MPs and officials have personal links with these de facto fascist movements.

Taegeukgi squads began mobilising as soon as Yoon was threatened with impeachment. While candlelight protests occupied areas surrounding parliament on Yeouido Island, Taegeugi squads held counter-rallies in downtown Gwanghwamoon, the main site of the 2016 candlelight protests. But the Taegeukgi squads were overwhelmed by the sheer scale of the candlelight protests. They knew from the start that they were likely to lose this battle — and with it political power.

Among their ranks were far-right YouTubers who had been agitating for a coup and the annihilation of the pro-North Korea left. They played an important role in influencing Yoon and his co-conspirators into initiating the self-coup. However, the coup was doomed to fail from the start. Having ignited popular anger, people rose up and overwhelmed the pro-coup and anti-impeachment extremists. Waves of protests culminating in a two million-strong demonstration of bright candles and colorful glow sticks.

Old and new protesters

Trade unions and civil society organisations (particularly NGOs) played a key role in the first days of mobilisation. On the night of December 3, veteran activists rushed to parliament where, despite police officers under the command of coup leaders blocking their access, several thousands rallied against Yoon’s martial law declaration. Some activists bravely blocked armored vehicles heading to parliament. The protest continued throughout the night and when the vote to annul martial law was announced, they celebrated their first victory.

Over the next few days, rallies were held by trade unionists (primarily union leaders and staffers), NGO workers and social movement activists. Two trade union confederations — the militant KCTU and more moderate Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) — declared a general strike on December 4, though only the railway unions and some small unions went on strike.

But at the two huge Saturday mobilisations, these older activists were completely overwhelmed by the young generations, largely mobilised via social media networks. Trade union contingents were present, but drowned out by the sea of candles and glow sticks held by young people. The presence of so-called organised sectors was very small compared to the new waves of young protesters.

Something similar occurred with the student movement. A shadow of its glory days of the 1980s and ’90s, student organisations are barely active these days. Despite this, large numbers of students rose up, with campuses around the country set aflame by angry young students. These students were evidently not existing activists; they mobilised spontaneously.

Young women, from their teens to their 30s, were also key protagonists, carrying the glow sticks they normally take to K-Pop concerts. Angry at the patriarchal machismo that remains deeply rooted in South Korean society, they turned their ire against Yoon.

Yoon and his co-coup conspirators failed to understand these new dynamics within South Korean society. Even if the self-coup had succeeded, they would have faced a tremendous wave of angry protests led by these younger generations. It is difficult to predict what will happen with these young generations: will the 2024 candlelight protests lead to a new wave of activism or will things return to normal? The future remains open.

The 2024 candlelight protests

From the moment Yoon declared martial law, people began gathering in front of parliament and lit candlelights. They never stopped until Yoon was impeached. Daily vigils and protests culminated in two gigantic Saturday protests with 1 million rallying on December 7 and then 2 million on December 14. These two days will go down as historic moments in defence of South Korea’s democracy.

As candlelight protests spread across the country, they converted into a continuous nationwide mobilisation. In major cities such as Busan, Daegu, Gwangju and Daejeon, as well as small cities and towns, people poured into the streets with their candles. The Korean diaspora also joined the struggle, issuing statements criticising Yoon’s self-coup and demanding his resignation, impeachment and punishment. As millions gathered in Seoul over successive Saturdays, Koreans held candlelight protests in Paris, Berlin, London, New York, Sydney, Melbourne and many other cities around the world.

The 2024 candlelight protests were genuinely of the people, by the people, and for the people. People from all walks of life joined wherever they could, in particular youth and feminists. Generally regarded as apolitical, young people participated in huge numbers, fascinating the crowds with their creative placards and glow sticks that created the effect of turning the national mobilisations into something akin to K-Pop festivals.

South Korea’s third candlelight revolution

In June 1987, month-long demonstrations and street fights forced the Jun Doo-hwan dictatorship to succumb to people’s power. The uprising was both popular revenge for the 1980 Gwangju massacre and a continuation of the May 1980 uprising. It marked the start of South Korea’s institutional democracy. Jun ended up in prison in 1995.

In the 21st century, Koreans have experienced three candlelight revolutions: in 2008, 2016, and 2024. The 2008 candlelight revolution was directed against the Lee Myung-bak government, which came to power after a decade of liberal government. Lee’s decision to open up the beef market to US exporters ignited popular anger that lasted more than six months and triggered the start of the candlelight movement. Though the movement failed, it weakened the legitimacy of the corrupt government. Lee was later imprisoned for corruption in 2018.

The people rose up again in 2016 against Park, the daughter of military dictator Park Chung-hee. After losing her mother, Park married a pastor and rapist, whose daughter Choi Soon-shil became her friend-cum-mentor. The two were engulfed in various scandals and corruption allegations. For more than six months, protesters lit candles to impeach her. Eventually, Park was impeached and imprisoned in 2017.

Having so far led to the jailing of two presidents, people’s power has now impeached a president who will soon join the ranks of these disgraced presidents. Candlelight protests have played a key role in defending South Korea’s democracy and saving the nation from a series of crises. Generation after generation has played its role in deepening democracy.

Though seemingly less radical than the mobilisations of the militant ’80s, this new tradition of candlelight protests has passed another test, obtaining a historic victory in the process.

In place of a conclusion

Yoon has been impeached, but the struggle is not over. Lee Jae-myung and his DP are on the verge of returning to power. Once again, they owe their success to people’s power. But the DP is no solution. People know that. Yet, without a clear alternative, they are forced to choose from the options available.

Whatever government emerges, the same people who have been awakened and regained confidence through the 2024 candlelight revolution will need to demand genuine people’s power in the form of more political, economic, social and cultural democracy.

Due to the tragic division of the nation and existence of North Korea, socialism remains taboo. However, the struggle to deepen democracy can help open the path towards a fight for emancipatory socialism.

Won Youngsu is an activist, Marxist and labour studies researcher. He is the Director of Pnyx – Institute of Marxist Studies in Korea.